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Eleventh Circuit Upholds For-Cause Removal for Administrative Law Judges
Will the en banc court agree? Will the Supreme Court?
Yesterday, in Walmart v. Chief Administrative Law Judge, a unanimous panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals rejected Walmart's challenge to constitutionality protecting Administrative Law Judges in executive branch agencies from removal without cause.
In an extensive and quite thorough opinion by Judge Hull, joined by Judges Jordan and Jill Pryor, the court concluded that the duties and authority exercised by ALJs are sufficiently constrained that limiting ALJ removal does not entrench upon executive power under Article II or otherwise prevent the President from fulfilling his obligation to "take care" that the laws are faithfully executed."
Here is the key portion of the opinion summarizing the court's analysis:
No doubt, the "general rule" is that under Article II the President has the "unrestricted" power to remove executive officers. See Seila Law, 591 U.S. at 215. To date, the Supreme Court has enumerated only two narrow exceptions to this Article II rule: (1) "one for multimember expert agencies that do not wield substantial executive power," id. at 218; see also Humphrey's Ex'r, 295 U.S. at 631-32, and (2) "one for inferior officers with limited duties and no policymaking or administrative authority," Seila Law, 591 U.S. at 218; see also Morrison, 487 U.S. at 691.
We are not concerned with the first exception. In the district court and on appeal, neither party previously asserted that ALJs are members of multimember expert agencies under Humphrey's Executor or single directors of independent agencies. See Seila Law, 591 U.S. at 213 (single Director of CFPB); Collins, 594 U.S. at 251 (single Director of FHFA).
As to the second exception, the parties still agree that the Department's ALJs are inferior officers properly appointed by the Attorney General. So the constitutional question becomes whether they have "limited duties and no policymaking or administrative authority" as required by the second exception. Seila Law, 591 U.S. at 218; Morrison, 487 U.S. at 691; see also Wilcox, 145 S. Ct. at 1415 (acknowledging "narrow exceptions" to the President's Article II removal power).
Under the second exception, the pivotal Article II inquiry remains whether the APA's § 7521(a) removal restriction unconstitutionally interferes with the President's necessary power to take care that the laws are faithfully executed. See Myers, 272 U.S. at 164; Morrison, 487 U.S. at 689-90. In other words, does the ultimate exercise of executive power remain within the purview of the President or those directly accountable to the President? See Morrison, 487 U.S. at 689-90.
After thorough consideration, and applying the Supreme Court's governing analysis and largely the same factors considered by other circuits, we conclude the APA's § 7521(a) removal restriction is constitutional . . .
The court adds:
In holding § 7521(a) constitutional, we respect the Constitution's carefully calibrated separation of powers. Even though the Constitution is silent about removal of executive branch officers, the Supreme Court has instructed that Article II's Take Care Clause and Appointments Clause grant the President the broad power to remove executive branch officers. But importantly here, the Constitution in Article II also explicitly grants Congress a say in how inferior officers, including the Department's ALJs, are appointed. The constitutional authority of Congress to vest the appointment of inferior officers implies authority to limit and regulate the removal of those inferior officers so appointed. Striking down § 7521(a)'s straightforward "good cause" removal restriction on inferior officers with such limited duties as ALJs would upset the Constitution's balance of governmental power.
I would expect that Walmart will seek review of this ruling, perhaps initially with a petition for rehearing en banc, then followed by a petition for certiorari. This is a particularly liberal panel for the Eleventh Circuit, so an en banc petition would make some sense. On the other hand, Judge Hull's opinion is quite thorough, and other judges on the circuit might think that if any court is going to take the next step with regard to limitations on removal, it should be the Court at One First Street.
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Seems like the court inadvertently gave SCOTUS a path to overturn Morrison without the need for a renewed independent-counsel law.
The lifetime appointment preceded the description of dementia of Alois Alzheimer by 117 years, that dates dates back to 1906.
It was one of the big mistakes in the constitution written by a lawyer, covering up the misconduct of the lawyer profession.
Even at 50, the IQ test result must be adjusted by a half to get an average of 100 at that age. If they were scored the way it is at age 16, most people that age would qualify for special ed in high school, even for disability payment by the SSA.
Beyond the stupidity of these judges is their oblivious making shit up to impose their biases, feelings, moods, hanger on the laweyr besieged nation. Their decisions are filled with fictitious arguments, decisions. Denials of the plain language of the constitution is in the 100's of times, whenever the Court invokes legislative history, policy consequences, or judicial precedent, whenever the text is deemed ambiguous or inconvenient for the desired outcome.
Not only should judges be removed, they should be prosecuted for criminal perjury. Their decisions are sworn statements. The Justices should be arrested, tried, and put in fed stir. Put them in gen pop. They are far more dangerous and toxic than drug kingpins, killing hundreds for the profits of $1 fentanyl.
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Takes a lot of chutzpah to say this:
…and then in the very next sentence rant about "making shit up."
They aren't. This is why your law degree is from an unaccredited mail order law school.
Da fuq???
The notion that Administrative Law Judges have "no...administrative authority" is a curious one.
And to make matters more absurd an ALJ appointed by the Attorney General and serving in the DOJ can't be removed without cause by the actual head of the branch of government constitutionally vested with all Executive authority. I guess all judges can't be Scalia.
This ruling seems to be an outright defiance of Selia Law. It doesn't even take it on its own terms. It reverts to undefined feelings about the purpose of Article II.
It seems ripe for summary reversal by the Court.
Selia law is clearly distinguishable as it didn’t implicate the 5th Amendment. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s director at issue in the case had no authority to exercise adjudicatory powers or to function as a tribunal, so the President’s power to fire him did not implicate Due Process in any way. See my comment below..
I agree the grounds this case was decided on don’t make any sense. But I don’t think they were the right grounds.
That's not correct:
"Administrative adjudication proceedings are formal adversarial proceedings conducted by an administrative law judge, who issues a recommended decision to the CFPB director. The director issues a final decision, either adopting or modifying the administrative law judge’s recommended decision."
https://www.consumerfinance.gov/administrative-adjudication-proceedings/
Congress vested the Attorney General with the power to appoint ALJs, except not really. If the Attorney General is not free to terminate an ALJ at will and appoint another ALJ in his place the AG's appointment power is illusory.
I think there is a much more straightforward path to the result.
Fifth Amendment Due Process requires claims to be heard by a genuinely neutral tribunal.
A magistrate who can be removed at will if the President does not like how he rules on a case is not genuinely neutral.
So we have one of two options.
1. The Fifth Amendment has the effect of prohibiting Article I courts. Because the President constitutionally must have the power to fire executive officers at will, neutral magistrates cannnot reside in the Executive Branch. All federal tribunals therefore must be Article III courts.
2. The 5th Amendment has the effect of overriding the President’s power to fire Article I magistrates at will, i.e. it creates its own special exception, a third one, applicable to magistrates of Article I courts. Accordingly Article I tribunals remain permissable, but they remain permissible only because the 5th Amendment permits Congress to insulate their decision-makers from retaliation if the President or other powerful people disagree with their decisions.
Option 1 is a respectable and consistent position to hold. But I think this country’s long history of Article I courts, including tribunals established long before the rise of the modern administrative state, indeed shortly after the new federal government came into being, suggests that Option 2 better reflect’s the constitution’s original meaning as well as its subsequent history.
"Because the President constitutionally must have the power to fire executive officers at will," That is a load of boarwash.
I agree with the rest.
I do wonder why people keep bringing these lawsuits even as the courts have made it clear that even if you do win, sorry we’re not gonna use it as grounds to just eliminate that agency or even invalidate the rule.
If Administrative Judges can be fired at will, that destroys them being fair and impartial. You can't have them afraid of getting fired for ruling against the government.
They are administrative law judges, not Article III judges, right? Aren't these the courts where there is no right to an attorney or something else which violates due process? I thought there was some big kerfuffle within the last year or so where some agency had insisted that before suing for lack of due process, ALJ defendants had to exhaust all ALJ appeals, and then go sue in an Article III court.