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Federal District Court Issues Another Ruling Against Trump's IEEPA Tariffs
The decision by Judge Rudolph Contreras of the US District Court for the District Columbia holds IEEPA doesn't authorize the president to impose tariffs at all.

Yesterday, the US Court of International Trade (CIT) issued a unanimous ruling in the case against Trump's "Liberation Day" tariffs filed by Liberty Justice Center and myself on behalf of five small businesses. The ruling also covers the related case filed by twelve states led by Oregon (those plaintiffs also won). See my summary and discussion of the CIT decision here. Today, we have another federal court decision against the Trump's attempts to use the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) tariffs: Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump.
It was issued on by Judge Rudolph Contreras of the federal District Court for the District of Columbia (DDC), in Unlike the CIT ruling, it applies only to tariffs imposed against the two toy manufacturers that brought the case. But it is notable that Judge Contreras concluded IEEPA doesn't grant the president the power to impose tariffs at all, thereby going further than the CIT decision does. If it did grant the sweeping authority claimed by Trump, Judge Contreras, like the CIT panel, noted that would be an unconstitutional delegation of legislative power, and "render IEEPA unconstitutional." While the impact of the DDC ruling is very limited, it further bolsters the case against Trump's abusive tariff power grab.
In our case, we too argued that IEEPA doesn't grant any power to impose tariffs at all. The CIT decision equivocates on that issue, limiting itself to holding that IEEPA at least doesn't grant the sweeping virtually unlimited power claimed by Trump, and necessary to justify the "Liberation Day" tariffs. By contrast, Judge Contreras concludes that IEEPA doesn't grant any tariff authority of any kind. Here is an excerpt from his ruling:
Since the Founding, the Constitution has vested the "Power to lay and collect Taxes,
Duties, Imposts and Excises" with Congress. U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1. The President has no independent discretion to impose or alter tariffs. See Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 585 (1952). Any Presidential tariffing authority must be delegated by Congress….IEEPA does not use the words "tariffs" or "duties," their synonyms, or any other similar terms like "customs," "taxes," or "imposts." It provides, as relevant here, that the President may, in times of declared national emergency, "investigate, block during the pendency of an investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void, prevent or prohibit" the "importation or exportation" of "property in which any foreign country or a national thereof has any interest." 50 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(1)(B). There is no residual clause granting the President powers beyond those expressly listed. The only activity in Section 1702(a)(1)(B) that could plausibly encompass the power to levy tariffs is that to "regulate . . . importation…."
The Court agrees with Plaintiffs that the power to regulate is not the power to tax… The Constitution recognizes and perpetuates this distinction. Clause 1 of Article I, Section 8 provides Congress with the "Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts
and Excises." Clause 3 of Article I, Section 8 empowers Congress "To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations." If imposing tariffs and duties were part of the power "[t]o regulate [c]ommerce with foreign [n]ations," then Clause 1 would have no independent effect. As Chief Justice Marshall put it in an early leading case, "the power to regulate commerce is . . . entirely distinct from the right to levy taxes and imposts." Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 1, 201 (1824)…."Tariff" and "regulate" also take different plain meanings. To regulate something is to
"[c]ontrol by rule" or "subject to restrictions." Regulate, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English 943 (6th ed. 1976); see also Regulate, New Webster's Dictionary of the English Language 1264 (1975) ("to govern by or subject to certain rules or restrictions")… Tariffs are, by contrast, schedules of "duties or customs imposed by a government on imports or exports." Tariff, Random House Dictionary of the English Language 1454 (1973). To regulate is to establish rules governing conduct; to tariff is to raise revenue through taxes on imports or exports… Those are not the same….
Judge Contreras has several additional justifications for his ruling on this point that are too long to excerpt here. But they are good points, as well.
Like the CIT decision, Judge Contreras argues that interpreting IEEPA to grant the sweeping authority claimed by Trump would render it unconstitutional, which is an additional reason to rule against the administration:
Defendants' interpretation could render IEEPA unconstitutional. IEEPA provides that the President may "regulate . . . importation or exportation." 50 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(1)(B). The Constitution prohibits export taxes. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 9, cl. 5 ("No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State."). If the term "regulate" were construed to encompass the power to impose tariffs, it would necessarily empower the President to tariff exports, too. The Court cannot interpret a statute as unconstitutional when any other reasonable construction is available. See Nat'l Fed'n of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519, 563 (2012).
I think Judge Contreras' analysis here is compelling, and other judges should follow it.
Judge Contreras' decision is in large part a jurisdictional ruling on whether cases challenging the IEEPA tariffs must be filed in CIT (he concludes they need not be, because IEEPA doesn't authorize tariffs). I will not try to assess this jurisdictional issue here. I will only note I believe CIT does have jurisdiction over such cases (which is why we filed our case there), but I have no strong view on whether CIT's jurisdiction is exclusive, as the Trump Administration has argued. As Judge Contreras notes, two other district courts have ruled that it is indeed exclusive, and ordered the relevant cases to be transferred to CIT.
It's possible that an appellate court will ultimately overturn this decision on the jurisdictional issue. But his substantive reasoning is still strong, and deserves to be adopted by other courts, even if it is not a binding precedent.
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I don’t think the District Court has subject-matter jurisdiction, and I predict the decision will be vacated. Congress gave the Court of International Trade exclusive jurisdiction over tariff cases. I think the fact that the President imposed tariffs under color of law, and the question here is whether those tarriffs are authorized by statute, easily puts this case within the Court of International Trade’s ballpark. I think the district court’s view that whenever the answer to such a question is “no,” the Court of International Trade lacks jurisdiction, is nothing but an artful dodge.
Indeed by its own logic, the District Court itself also lacks jurisdiction over this case. Federal courts only only have jurisdiction over cases and controversies that arise under the constitution, laws, and treaties of the the United States. But by the District Court’s own reasoning, this case arises solely from an unauthorized Presidential action - it doesn’t arise from the constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States. It arises from something the President did outside them.
Indeed, if the District Court is right here, then so long as the President takes care to act completely outside the constitution, laws, and treaties of the United States, then he totally insulates his conduct from the entire judicial power, and Article III courts in general have no jurisdiction over and no power to form an opinion or issue any order regarding his behavior.
What is most notable is that, yet again, a D.C. Democrat district judge has purported to rule in a case in which he clearly has no jurisdiction.
The obvious purpose of having one court, the Court of International Trade, with exclusive jurisdiction on tariffs, is to avoid the absurd situation in which the same tariff is declared legal in some districts, but illegal in others.
But the Court of International Trade doesn't have exclusive jurisdiction on tariffs. That's not what the relevant statute says. It lists specific types of claims that CIT has exclusive jurisdiction over. It could've said, "CIT has exclusive jurisdiction over any lawsuit relating to tariffs," but it did not. To be sure, there's a catchall, but it requires that the case "arise out of any law… providing for" tariffs, not that it arise out of any tariff. Since the entire point of the lawsuit is that the IEEPA doesn't provide for tariffs, CIT exclusivity doesn’t kick in.
To be sure, if I were the plaintiffs I'd have filed in CIT, because why have this additional obstacle, but that doesn't mean this judge got it wrong.
See my comment above. The language parallels the language in Article III that federal courts have jurisdiction only over cases and controversies arising out of the “constitution, laws, and treaties of the United States.”
Here, the District Court specifically found that President Trump’s actions did not arise out of the constitution or any laws or treaties of the United States. So it seems to follow inexorably from your and the District Court’s logic that the District Court, indeed any federal court, lacked jurisdiction to entertain cases or controversies concerning those actions. Exactly as you say, if the Framers had wanted to give federal courts jurisdiction to entertain disputes over all presidential actions, including those that don’t arise out the constitution, laws, or treaties of the United states as well as those that do, they could certainly have said so. But they didn’t. Since they limited the judiciary’s jurisdiction only to controversies arising out of the constitution, laws and treaties of the United States, it follows that so long as the President takes care to ensure that his actions don’t arise out of any of these sources, courts have no jurisdiction whatsoever to entertain any disputes over what he does.
I agree with the substance of this ruling (though, I think the court probably does lack jurisdiction). But I’m loving left’s sudden embrace of the nondelegation doctrine. I was told that it was some kind of rightwing conspiracy to undermine our social betters’ ability to rule by committees of experts. It’s like how every liberal is an arch originalist when it comes to the 14th Amendment’s Citizenship Clause (while every conservative is suddenly a living constitutionalist). Imagine is Chevron deference were still around. They’d be screaming that we couldn’t defer to the executive’s interpretation of the relevant laws.
This really has nothing to do with nondelegation since Congress never delegated the power in the first place.
Fair. But the CIT case from yesterday did invoke the doctrine.
No not really fair. Tariffs are plainly a method of regulating imports, as well as being a method of raising tax revenue.
The question is whether we should read regulating imports in context as excluding that element of regulation that consists in levying tariffs. The court makes a case that we should but it’s hardly a slam dunk.
For myself I’m doubtful about the courts reasoning. It’s somewhat analogous to the Obamacare mandate fee that Roberts concluded was a tax. Suppose the mandate fee had actually been badged as a tax. Would it have been a tax ? Sure.
But its purpose would not have been to raise revenue - its purpose was to regulate behaviour. Buy an insurance policy !
So are Trump’s tariffs really intended to raise revenue ? Not really, or only incidentally. They’re intended as a cudgel in trade negotiations and as a protectionist measure. They’re regulatory measures.
I’m inclined to think that the court is probably wrong and that the real question is indeed non delegation. And that will have to be faced as there are other laws giving the President tariff authority.
A good result would be a crushing 9-0 SCOTUS judgement saying Congress can’t delegate tariff making to the President- nor any other rule making to the executive branch or its agencies 🙂
This is a statutory case.
And nondelegation is a matter of degree, not of kind.
The judge’s reasoning on the question of what “regulating… importation” means (or such parts of it as Somin favors us with) is almost entirely based on the constitution.
Otherwise he relies on the idea that regulation and tariffs are different ideas, and that the statute doesn’t mention tariffs. But this is pretty feeble.
The general includes the specific unless the context otherwise demands. Regulating includes regulating by tariff just as it includes regulating by quota or by inspection conditions. Thd statute doesn’t need to specifically mention quotas or inspection any more than it needs to mention tariffs.
Why do people keep pretending that the tariffs are "really" only for the thing they want them to be for, rather than the things Trump and his minions have said that they're for?
Perhaps because "the things Trump and his minions have said that they're for" are a jumble of self-contradictory assertions. In order for it to make logical sense you have to assume that some of the assertions are what he "really" means and the rest are just bluster that can be ignored.
But anyone who thinks they can tell which is which is deluding themself.
But only conditionally; it said that if the statute authorized what Trump did, then it would violate the non-delegation doctrine. But its ruling was ultimately based on the interpretation that the statute didn't authorize it.
Aside from the court's jurisdiction, I look at it this way.
Can Congress delegate to the President the power to unilaterally introduce a nationwide VAT? I doubt it. I don't even know if Congress could do it themselves, but if they can, they cannot delegate control of that VAT to the President. I do not know what TDS-righties would think of that, and they don't either, because he hasn't told them what to think. TDS-lefties would of course think the opposite, and the non-TDS public would say Hell No.
If Congress had introduced a nationwide VAT, could they delegate control of its rate to the President? No, same reason, and same public opinion.
A tariff is just another nationwide consumption tax. I don't see how it could be constitutional where a VAT wouldn't be.
I had to look up kritocracy. I don't think they used it in the Judge Dredd movies. And the present federal bench doesn't even have the charisma of a Judge Dredd. I suspect the voting public, that would be the one that actually voted for the president and his agenda, doesn't much care for the rule by judges either. We'll see how this abusive judicial overreach plays out in the next election cycle.
And here I thought we were a constitutional republic, and not a democracy. How fast the spinning wheel of the MAGA mind turns.
That’s what I thought too little troll. But democrat activists and judicial insurrectionists seem to prefer something else.
Troll? Moi?
So are you a democratic activist?
"I suspect the voting public, that would be the one that actually voted for the president and his agenda, doesn't much care for the rule by judges either."
the voting public, that would be the one that actually voted for the president and his agenda,
49.5% is not enough of a majority to amend the Constitution. I know you think that a majority in the Electoral College supersedes the Constitution, but that's merely your brain on cult.
...they need the occasional reminder that 51.5%—something that actually is a majority—voted against the president and his agenda.
1. Something has gone astray with your math. 100% minus 49.5% does not equal 51.5%.
2. 49.5% is dubious anyway as the FEC says Trump got 49.8%.
3. Also the FEC says Robert Kennedy got 0.49%. Since RFK had endorsed Trump and was campaigning for him, it is only marginally plausible to put his votes in the anti-Trump column, and less than marginally plausible to record them as against his agenda.
4. But this vote parsing is silly anyway as we all know that lots of voters do not support the candidate they vote for, or his/her agenda. They merely oppose the other candidate and their agenda more.
5. And of course lots of folk don’t vote anyway, despite having opinions on the value of Trump. If you can’t move the needle why bother ?
Now do Trump's crowd sizes.
they need the occasional reminder that 51.5%—something that actually is a majority—voted against the president and his agenda
When you can't even perform 3rd grade math without screwing it up....
That’s cute SRG2, but do you know how many votes the federal judiciary won? It’s actually 0 %.
One flaw in the ruling is the supposed superfluous nature of the Commerce Clause. That clause is read so expansively that every other power IS superfluous when that clause is read how it is. That's not reason enough here.
What in the court's mind would be a permissible "regulation" of an "import"?
I see the argument and likely agree, but it smacks of a "let's only apply this to Trump" doctrine as other presidents have imposed tariffs under this act without challenge.
A ban, a quota, a requirement as to standard / quality etc.
There’s lots of regulating that doesn’t require tariffs.
Be interesting to see what sort of non tariff regulation Trump can come up with.
I see the argument and likely agree, but
Hmmmmm.
You can't agree with something but still have outstanding doubts and have a few lingering issues? Or are you rock solid 100% in all of your opinions?
For as long as I can remember, the Left has relied more on the courts to achieve its political goals rather than on winning votes and passing legislation. Clearly, this has been a winning strategy, but there is an Achilles Heel: the Left cannot keep itself from pursuing lawsuits that are based on questionable grounds.
Jurisdiction? What's that?
Granted, we pay attorneys to fight like a pack of ravenous wolves. But if the wolf pack starts attacking everything in sight, they become a menace worse than the danger they're supposed to prevent.
The American system is built on trust. That trust absolutely can be lost. If the courts aren't playing fair and showing some judiciousness, they simply will lose their place in our civic contract.
They might have the same outward trappings, and go through the same motions, but the result is they won't be believed. Their rulings won't settle things, they will stir them up.
History is littered with judicial systems gone bad. Take care.
Your memory is not very long.