The Volokh Conspiracy
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"Alleged Discrimination at the University of Oregon School of Law," by Prof. Ofer Raban
Ofer Raban, who is a professor at the University of Oregon School of Law (but who, even more clearly than usual for a law professor, is speaking on behalf of himself and not the law school), passed along this item. I have no direct personal knowledge of the matter, but I thought Prof. Raban's report was interesting and potentially important. I have tried to obtain statements for publication from the law school and the law review, but have not gotten any; naturally, if I do get contrary accounts or perspectives, I'd be happy to pass them along.
From Prof. Raban:
The University of Oregon, the state's flagship public university, is presently investigating a claim of discrimination against an Israeli professor by the Oregon Law Review. Several law school administrators apparently knew of the discrimination, and a high-ranking administrator had even approved it. The target of the discrimination holds an American law degree and has been teaching intermittently in the U.S..
The events unfolded in 2024, after an Oregon Law Review editor recommended the publication of an article written by the Israeli professor. Conceding the article's merits, a second law review editor rejected the recommendation because the author was a faculty member at an Israeli university. The law review management agreed, claiming that publishing the article would be perceived as an endorsement of Israel in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—although the article dealt with environmental law and had nothing to do with that conflict.
When the original reviewer objected that this may amount to unlawful discrimination, the matter was taken to a high-ranking law school official. A meeting was held, and the official reportedly gave the green light to the discrimination. At least two law school administrators, possibly more, were aware of the stated basis for the rejection and connived in it. A concerned member of the law review (who did not attend the meeting) was told that the law school's administration had cleared the discrimination.
The allegations may involve violations of state and federal anti-discrimination statutes, violations of the state and federal constitutions, violations of the university and the law school's own policies and regulations, and infringements of federal policies, the policy of the Association of American Universities (of which the University of Oregon is a member)—and the university's own statement—regarding academic boycotts of Israel.
The basis for rejecting the article appears to constitute, at a minimum, discrimination on the basis of national origin (putting aside the related issues of discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, and antisemitism). Federal courts have long recognized discrimination by proxy—cases where "the defendant enacts a law or policy that treats individuals differently on the basis of seemingly neutral criteria that are so closely associated with the disfavored group that discrimination on the basis of such criteria is, constructively, facial discrimination against the disfavored group." Davis v. Guam, 932 F.3d 822, 837 (9th Cir. 2019). See also Pac. Shores Props., LLC v. City of Newport Beach, 730 F.3d 1142, 1160 (9th Cir. 2013) ("In a case of proxy discrimination the defendant discriminates against individuals on the basis of criteria that are almost exclusively indicators of membership in the disfavored group.")
Although the use of a proxy means that individuals who are not members of the protected class may be ensnared by the discrimination (say, American citizens who teach at Israeli universities), or that individuals who do belong to the protected class may not be ensnared (say, Israeli professors who teach in France), the lack of a perfect overlap makes no difference. Discrimination against a protected class need not be directed at the entire class (see, e.g. Bostock v. Clayton County, 590 U.S. 644 (2020); Rice v. Cayetano, 528 U.S. 495 (2000)); and "willingness to inflict collateral damage… does not cleanse the taint of discrimination; it simply underscores the depth of the defendant's animus." Pac. Shores Props., LLC v. City of Newport Beach, 730 F.3d 1142, 1160 n.23 (9th Cir. 2013). "The principal focus of [anti-discrimination statutes] is the protection of the individual [], rather than the protection of the minority group as a whole" (Connecticut v. Teal, 457 U.S. 440 (1982)).
The allegations may also support a finding of intent to discriminate on the basis of national origin—given the usual factors informing such determinations (the historical background of the challenged decision, the specific antecedent events, departures from normal procedures, and contemporary statements of the decisionmakers (see Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp, 429 U.S. 252 (1977)). Indeed the claim that publication of the article would amount to an endorsement of Israel in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict makes so little sense—and could have been so easily cured by a one-sentence disclaimer—that ill-disguised hostility to Israelis may provide a simpler and more accurate explanation.
The University of Oregon's Office of Investigations and Civil Rights Compliance has been investigating the matter since February, with little to show for it. To date, as far as we know, no action has been taken against any official at the law review or the law school, and the sole action by the university has been a muted request for anti-bias training for new members of the Oregon Law Review.
Unfortunately, open discrimination against Israelis is the unsurprising culmination of messages emanating from the highest levels at the University of Oregon. Like many other institutions, the University experienced anti-Israel demonstrations that included the by-now familiar "from the river to the sea" banners and other denials of Israel's right to exist. The University of Oregon's response to these protests has been a shameful capitulation. A 2024 agreement between the university and the protestors included the issuance of a statement by the University of Oregon President calling for a permanent ceasefire in Gaza (a position long advocated by Hamas); the creation of two new faculty positions (presumably tailored to the ideological preferences of the demonstrators); and a taskforce that would consider the university's economic divestment from Israel.
This February, four University of Oregon departments (Sociology, Anthropology, Religious Studies, and Women's Gender and Sexuality), along with one University Institute (the Global Studies Institute) and one academic center (the Global Justice Program) co-sponsored and paid for a visit to the university by a pro-Palestinian activist who denies Israel's right to exist (which passes for the same thing in some circles), had celebrated the October 7 atrocities, and has since declared that she stands by that sentiment.
To be sure, we haven't yet seen the official conclusions of the university's investigation; and an internal law school inquiry would hopefully follow suit. (The Law School is yet to conduct its own inquiry, and is presently awaiting the result of the University's investigation.) But given the ideological messages sent by the University of Oregon to its students, its faculty, and its staff, one can be scandalized, but not surprised, by what had transpired at its law school.
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This is a sad story and should be seen as a rebuke to those who defend campus anti-Semitism with a knee-jerk "it's only free speech" or "just another right-wing conspiracy theory."
If Prof. Raban's description is accurate, it looks like U. Oregon's gross violation of the civil rights act.
Huh? Prof Raban doesn't even allege antisemitism. As Sarcastr0 would say, it's a vibes-based analysis of the situation.
Wouldn't this depend on whether the Law Review is considered a state actor? What's the difference between this and a law review exercising editorial discretion to, say, have a symposium for Palestinian scholars on the topic of use-of-force in the Gaza conflict?
Nope. Re-read the fourth paragraph of the quoted section. The professor alleges violations of both law and the university's own policies (among other things). Those apply to non-state-actors.
But he cites caselaw with state actors as the defendants, which suggests to me that there is a state actor element. Not sure without further digging. And he doesn't address editorial discretion--why couldn't a law review host a symposium for Israeli and Palestinian scholars to debate the Gaza conflict? Would denying symposium publication to a North Korean legal scholar then violate the Civil Rights Act?
Oregon is a public university. But, that should not matter. The principle of national origin discrimination by proxy or intent would apply to private actors under Title VI of the Civil Rights Acts even if the particular cases cited had state actors.
As to your comment about editorial discretion, Raban claims the article was denied solely based on the author's nation origin, not the content of the article which would be protected by editorial discretion. In your example of the North Korean scholar, presumably the denial would be based on what he would say, not the fact he was North Korean (but it may be the case the symposium, unlike a law review journal, is a limited public forum at a public university and thus denying a speaker based on viewpoint would violate the First Amendment).
The Law Review might be incorporated separately from the university, but let's assume the private/public distinction doesn't matter. If a Chinese politician wanted to run an op-ed in support of a Taiwan invasion in a student-run college newspaper, would the editor-in-chief be obliged to run the piece (or would it be viewpoint discrimination to refuse)? If the board of a student-run publication wanted to highlight the plight of civilians in Sudan, would it be illegal for them to run an issue only containing vignettes from Sudanese authors (selecting for authors based on country of origin)? I won't argue that it's good editorial policy to choose authors based on country of origin, but it's not clear to me where editorial discretion ends and the CRA begins.
In your first example, assuming they would not publish the same editorial no matter who submitted it or where they came from, they can refuse to publish (I am assuming in the case of a public university, the student-run newspaper is not a public forum).
In your second example, they might have violated Title VI by categorically refusing anyone who isn't of Sudanese national origin. They might win the case by arguing that in this limited application, they only wanted viewpoints from Sudanese authors.
But in Oregon's case, if they refused to publish a piece unrelated to a viewpoint they disliked solely because of the author's national origin, the Title VI case against them is likely stronger.
As is common, this complaint mixes protected and impermissible actions without distinction or even any sign of an ability to make distinctions. As Prof. Volokh has recognized, calls for the elimination of Israel as a state (like Trump's calls for the elimination of Canada as a state) are Constitutionally protected speech, as are calls for a ceasefire in Gaza (like Trump's calls for a ceasefire in Ukraine). Refusing to publish articles by Israelis is probably illegal. Inability to make these distinctions causes normal people like me to pretty much ignore all complaints.
"calls for the elimination of Israel as a state (like Trump's calls for the elimination of Canada as a state"
If you believe the former calls are advocating for a political union with Israel, you need to stop skipping your meds.
Different people who say "From the river to the sea" have different things in mind. No matter what they have in mind, it is Constitutionally protected, since students on American campuses are hardly in a position to incite imminent unlawful action or make true threats to people in Israel.
"Different people who say "From the river to the sea" have different things in mind. "
Different people who say "We need a Final Solution to the Jewish Problem" have different things in mind.
You would say BS to the latter but its the same as your statement.
I'm 100% sure the Palestinians would welcome a political union with Israel on decent terms. But Israel won't tolerate a political union, because then they'd literally be an apartheid state instead of just effectively one. Either that or no longer Jewish.
"normal people like [y81]"
Need some evidence for this assertion.
Employed, married, white, native=born, Christian and father. Voted for Trump but think he has been a little crazy and will probably vote Democratic in the next election to show my displeasure. Support Israel but think David Bernstein is a nut. I rest my case.
Thought experiment. A professor at Beijing U. Law School submitted an article to the Oregon Law Review. Would anyone there have any hesitation to publish it, because doing so would imply approval of China's abysmal human rights record, including its actions against the Uyghurs?
Probably not, though they might refuse to publish an article by a professor at the University of Moscow.
Forget it Jake, its Eugene (see what I did there?)
Yes, and it so enraged me I may have to cut off a piece of your nose.
Don't cut off more than you can handle, it's a big one.
Curious what fraction of the folks who have been arguing that the 1st, 5th and 14th amendments don't apply to non-US citizens are going to show up here and talk about what an injustice this is.
For the record: this seems bad and probably illegal!
Something can be both not protected by the Constitution and worthy of condemnation. Wrap your head around that concept.
Yes, I’m assuming that accepting the currently operative view of the Trump administration that this individual could be denied entry or— if present— deported for the views expressed in the article.
For the record, I agree this seems bad.
If it happens to be the job of the University of Oregon’s Office of Investigations and Civil Rights to defend the University against claims of discrimination when made by disfavored minorities, sitting on the matter and hoping things blow over and the problem goes away actually seems like a fairly reasonable strategy under the circumstances. If the complainant is in possession of hard evidence about high-level University administrators green-lighting what happened, waiting out the clock as long as possible may even be the best available strategy.
How long do they get to wait out the clock? Do they have any legally applicable deadline? How long are they entitled to sit and do nothing before a complainant is allowed to bypass them?
That depends on whether Prof. Raban has filed a complaint with the DOJ.
I see a defense like the one used in gerrymandering cases. It's legal to draw districts that discriminate against people likely to vote for Democrats. These voters are more likely to be black than the average voter. It's not legal to draw districts that discriminate against black people. These voters are more likely to vote for Democrats than the average voter. Was the law review discrimination based on the author's employment in a disliked country or his citizenship in a disliked country?