The Volokh Conspiracy
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California Files Lawsuit Against Trump's Tariffs
They challenge both the "Liberation Day" IEEPA tariffs, and earlier ones imposed on Canada, Mexico and China.

Today, the state of California filed a lawsuit challenging Donald Trump's massive new tariffs. The complaint is available here. The arguments California makes are in many ways similar to those advanced in the case the Liberty Justice Center and I filed on Monday on behalf of five US businesses harmed by the tariffs.
Like us California argues that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA) doesn't authorize tariffs at all, and that Trump administration's position runs afoul of the "major questions doctrine" and constitutional nondelegation rules. Interestingly, California's complaint doesn't use the terms "major questions" and "nondelegation," both of which have negative connotations for some on the left. But they cite the relevant precedents and make the relevant points. Personally, I think the substance of the arguments matters more than terminology.
Our complaint, however, makes some additional points that the California one doesn't cover, such as that the bilateral trade deficits that supposedly justify the "Liberation Day" tariffs are not an "unusual and extraordinary threat" (which IEEPA says must be present to allow invocation of the law).
On the other hand, California's suit goes beyond ours in challenging not only the "Liberation Day" tariffs (imposed on almost every country in the world), but also the earlier IEEPA tariffs imposed on Canada, Mexico, and China, justified by the supposed threat of fentanyl. I argued that these tariffs are also illegal in a February post where I first developed the idea of challenging IEEPA tariffs under the nondelegation and major questions doctrine.
California's case is therefore broader than our case, or the other two lawsuits challenging Trump's IEEPA tariffs: that brought by the New Civil Liberties Alliance (challenging tariffs against China), and one brought by members of the Blackfeet Nation Native American tribe (challenging tariffs against Canada).
One issue likely to come up in the California lawsuit is standing, which require plaintiffs who bring a case to have suffered a "particularized harm" caused by the action they are challenging. Our clients have an obvious case for standing because they directly import goods subject to the tariffs, and therefore must pay those tariffs themselves. The California complaint indicates that the state government imports many goods from abroad. If they also directly have to pay tariffs, they can qualify for standing on the same basis as our clients. If not, they might still be able to get standing based on more indirect harms (e.g. - the state having to pay higher prices for goods purchased from contractors), or based on the "special solicitude" on standing extended to state governments in the Supreme Court's ruling in Massachusetts v. EPA (2007).
But indirect harms are a more debatable basis for standing than direct ones (though I personally believe they should qualify). And in recent years, the Supreme Court has often essentially ignored "special solicitude" arguments. Nonetheless, I hope and expect that California will get standing one way or another.
I have my differences with the California state government on various issues. But I supported their strong stance on immigration "sanctuary" issues during the first Trump Administration, and I am pleased to welcome them to this fight. People across the political spectrum - including the conservatives at the NCLA, liberals like the California state government, and libertarians like myself - should be able to agree that the Trump IEEPA tariffs are both illegal and extremely harmful.
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California sounds like a libertarian paradise!
It's pretty obvious that there is no "emergency" here to justify invoking IEEPA and even there was, there's nothing in IEEPA that authorizes tariffs.
But this suit will take many months to wend its way through courts and once it gets to the SCOTUS they'll most likely decline to issue or uphold a stay, meaning that in practice we'll be enduring these tariffs for the foreseeable future.
Unless a certain someone changes his mind again, which is highly likely, unfortunately it's just as likely that he'll change it again.
There was no emergency to justify masks on planes for three years, rent evictions for two and a half years, or anything else.
So as you presumably opposed those, you should oppose the tariffs now, right?
Yes. Next question.
The question is not on the policy, but on whether the emergency declaration was valid. The validity of the declaration is not dependent on whether one agrees with the policy.
So yes, I call shenanigans on those who supported the mask emergency, but not the tariff one. Suddenly concerned about whether an emergency actually is an emergency, while dismissing such concerns before.
There may be a legitimate statutory interpretation question whether an emergency can be used to assume this tariff authority. Not whether the emergency is "legit".
One can always argue about the efficacy or justness of a mask mandate, but the argument, "If you thought that a pandemic stemming from a novel virus that that is killing millions of people worldwide is an emergency, then you must agree that a decades-old trade deficit where there have been no new developments is also one" is beyond nonsensical.
Prof. Somin’s complaint was filed in the Court of International Trade cites 28 U.S.C. § 1581(i)(1)(B) as the basis for that court’s jurisdiction. That grant of jurisdiction is exclusive, meaning that if the Court of International Trade has jurisdiction over that complaint, the Northern District of California lacks jurisdiction over this one, and vice versa. Seems like something that would have been worth mentioning.
That is interesting. The (i)(1) criteria seem straightforward. Any reason for the administration to contest that the CIT is the proper venue?
If you don’t know which court will ultimately be found to have jurisdiction, it makes sense for one group of plaintiffs to file in oke court and another in the other to make sure all bases are covered.
Yes, I tried to make that point in his earlier post about challenging in the CIT. To mixed reviews about being a stickler for venue questions.
Throwing spaghetti at the wall, to see what sticks. Given The Resistance™ sympathies of district courts, not an unreasonable strategy. Not necessarily legal though.
Why not go directly to the Supreme Court and invoke original jurisdiction.
You could ask Clarence Thomas about that. He has thoughts about how the Court does (not) handle its original jurisdiction. (Though I'm not sure whether this meets his threshold, may not be appropriate.)
A few quick comments on the complaint.
1. They should have put one of their two core statutory arguments, that no emergency exists because emergency requires new external events, not just a change in policy regarding pre-existing chronic events, in their introduction.
2. While they very ably supported this argument with legislative history, they should have taken care to make an equally well-supported textualist argument focusing on dictionary definitions, definitions in other statutes, etc. for the benefit of the court’s textualists.
3. Their other statutory argument, that if there is an emergency the set of things the President is authorized to do in one doesn’t include changing tariffs, is well done and has adequate textualist support.
4. I don’t see that their separation-of-powers constitutional stucture argument holds any water. The argument behind it strikes me as nothing more than a repeat of the statutory argument. Congress didn’t authorize the President’s actions and they are therefore ultra vires, hence prohibited to the President by the Constitution’s separation of powers. If the statutory argument succeeds, the court can just stop there and doesn’t need to reach the constitutional argument. And if the statutory argument fails, the Court will have to find that Congress DID authorize the President’s actions. And if that’s the case, the constitutional argument collapses.
I can’t conceive of a scenario in which the statutory argument could fail yet the constitutional argument succeed.
5. As I see it, the only constitutional argument needed is the straightforward one that the Constitution plainly assigns all power over tariffs to Congress. There’s just no need to roll up the Constitution, smoke it, and come up fancy arguments based on any visions of structure that may dance in ones head in the haze.
Your point 4 is spot on. If the EB or President acts without authority it is just an ultra vires claim and his actions are void. A SOP claim here should be directed at Congress. If Trump’s actions do indeed fall within the statutory delegation, then Congress has given the President legislative discretion in violation of Article I. (No comment on the other points since I haven’t thought about them.)
"I can’t conceive of a scenario in which the statutory argument could fail yet the constitutional argument succeed."
The Court suddenly decides to revive non-delegation doctrine.
They didn’t make a non-delegation doctrine argument. They accepted that if Congress had given the President the authority, everything would be OK.
And with good reason. The complaint goes through multiple other statutes that grant the President authority to modify tariffs under particular circumstances, all of which have been upheld many times. They were right to limit their argument to saying that when Congress wants to grant the President authority to modify tariffs, it knows perfectly well how to say so, and it didn’t in this one.
The comparison to other statutes makes for a sound textualist argument. But as the steel seizure cases, which they rely on heavily, say, in matters of war and foreign affairs Congress’ ability to delegate authority to the President is at its apogee. Courts will simply look to the relevant statutes and see if the President’s claimed authority was actually delegated. There essentially is no non-delegation doctrine in matters of war and foreign affairs.
Ding!
I don't understand the distinction you're drawing between your fourth and fifth points.
If that’s your only criticism, I have to say I’ve gotten off really lightly this time.
Excellent legal arguments, but the effect of tariffs is what Trump wants, and he's got that right now.
The legal system is laboriously slow, and Trump knows this from experience. His hedge is that he will be able to achieve with tariffs in a short enough period of time before the courts can rein him in. This is his current legal strategy. Additionally, he has no issue pushing things into a constitutional crisis, and this is another one if his legal strategies.
The first strategy is merely getting what he wants in a short enough period of time before he can't. He's done this his entire life. It's been very effective for him, so why stop now?
The second strategy is to break some of the norms that exist today that may be constitutionally questionable. These are fights that many politicians don't want to have because it will significantly realign how Washington works, for better or worse.
Trump's marketing—especially his public persona—is populist. If you want to fight against the standard bearers, you rally the little people. If I can give Trump credit for one thing it's his ability to market. Pure genius. No matter what he's in the news for, it makes him more appealing to folks who appreciate populist rhetoric. And there's a lot of those people.
So your legal arguments are very sound and knowledgable, but I think Trump strategies aren't to fight some of those battles. His is keen to fight other battles that will appeal to the "deep state" populist rhetoric. Trump is a marketer not a legal scholar. He has tremendous experience dealing with the courts, so he knows how to play that game. Rather than assessing the quality of his legal arguments, I view them through the lens of a marketer. And regardless of the rhetoric the media is producing, most populists largely ignore it. He's a significantly better marketer than the media is.
"1. They should have put one of their two core statutory arguments, that no emergency exists because emergency requires new external events, not just a change in policy regarding pre-existing chronic events, in their introduction."
Could we have a pre-existing chronic problem whereby a miniscule change in circumstances could cause it to be an emergency. If so, isn't it a matter of Trump pointing out something minor in the geopolitical climate that, in his judgment, pushed this chronic problem into emergency territory? In other words, it was simply really chronically bad for 40 years, but what Hamas did and XXX made it now an emergency. Does that work? If not, why not?
Does that work? No. Why not? Because it's tendentious bullshit.
And I call it tendentious bullshit because it's unfalsifiable - under this analysis any problem that encounters a "miniscule" change constitutes an "emergency". So, everything is an emergency and there's no way to possibly distinguish what situation might not be an emergency.
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Just like clockwork, rantin Somin with today's Trump rant...
I am saddened that you glory in having the moral character of Gov Newsom, and you probably do. This constant caviling about lack of perfection in public laws is pure HiIlary. Just comparing me with you, I am sure you have much more money, security, and life amenities than I do. Is this the liberal guilt thing?
Do something for the homeless, sick children, widows. Make a little less money, use your life for a good purpose
Why is it a lack of “moral character” to sue US officials for actions that the complaint alleges will harm California? The complaint provides a list of harms that the tariffs will allegedly do to California’s economy, the state government’s ability to raise revenue, etc. Moreover, the complaint alleges these tariffs are not authorized by any public law. “Lack of perfection in public laws” has nothing to do with it. The whole comment is nonsense. You seem to be just repeating a bunch of tropes, perhaps in the hopes that if readers are exposed to them often enough, repeated and repeated and repeated. they will start to unconsciously believe them, by mental processes that lie outside of consciousness and reason.
Are you a bot, sir?
One issue I see that could make the case thorny is tariffs is the method used for regulating commerce between governments. On that end Trump can argue he is exercising a constitutional command. Trump, though, stands everything on its head by applying tariffs on things no US company produces which defeats the purpose of tariffs in protecting local production from foreign competition.
" On that end Trump can argue he is exercising a constitutional command. Trump, though, stands everything on its head by applying tariffs on things no US company produces which defeats the purpose of tariffs in protecting local production from foreign competition."
"things no US company produces"
Hm, how did that happen? I think there's virtually nothing currently made exclusively outside the US, that wasn't at one time made inside the US. Even high end integrated circuits, we were originally the world leader in that. We were the world leader, or at least a player, in virtually everything, at one time, and not really all that long ago historically speaking.
How would you go about bringing that back?
I would grant that we didn't lose those industries to tariffs. We lost them to over-regulation. So tariffs likely wouldn't be enough by themselves to bring them back. You'd also have to drastically scale back regulation of domestic production. And somehow assure investors that the regulations wouldn't come roaring back in just a few years after they'd been baited into spending money on plants that wouldn't be allowed to run.
That last is really the hardest. One administration can impose tariffs. One administration can roll back regulation. But one administration can't assure people that the next wouldn't bring it all crashing down again.
I honestly can't see a plausible way to make venture capital again think it's safe to make long term industrial investments in the US at scale. It's just too much easier to destroy trust than to rebuild it.
It is typical of the wise governance of those running California [into the ground] to expend state taxpayer dollars and resources to file a duplicative lawsuit making the same claims and raising the same issues that other parties have already done in other cases. I guess merely filing an amicus brief in one of the other cases wouldn't have been a sufficiently symbolic "Take that, Trump!"
Running that 5th largest economy in the world into the ground … for decades now!
Rome wasn't destroyed in a day.