The Volokh Conspiracy
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NYT Round Table on the Supreme Court Term
Over at the New York Times opinion page, I participated in a fun roundtable conversation with Professors Kate Shaw and Stephen Vladeck about the recent Supreme Court term. We discussed the Trump immunity case, my recent op-ed, the state of the Supreme Court's shadow docket, and more.
Here's one exchange:
Shaw: Will, I want to ask a couple of questions about your recent Times piece reflecting on the term. As I read you, you think the court went (badly?) astray in its two cases directly involving Trump, on immunity and on Colorado's efforts to disqualify Trump under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. Your paper with Michael Stokes Paulsen played a critical role in the Section 3 debates.
Yet you also write that elsewhere this term, the court was faithful to originalism, a method of interpretation you favor. But is this any kind of originalist court if it's willing to jettison the method in the term's two biggest constitutional cases? One way to view the court after this term is originalist for Republican results, pragmatic for anything else.
Baude: There are plenty of examples of the court adhering to its principles even in ruling against right-wing claims — the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau appropriations case, Rahimi (the Second Amendment case), the standing cases that reversed the Fifth Circuit on both mifepristone and social media jawboning.
But I agree with your basic point. The law professor Gerald Gunther once criticized the law professor Alexander Bickel for wanting the Supreme Court to maintain "100 percent insistence on principle, 20 percent of the time." Maybe now we're getting closer to 80 percent of the time, but that remaining percentage is killer.
Shaw: Your piece ends on a tantalizing note: "When dealing with Mr. Trump in particular, the court is so sure that our other institutions cannot be trusted that it fails to look in the mirror." If it looked in the mirror, what do you think it would see?
Baude: See, that line worked so well when I could end with an ambiguity.
Shaw: I know!
Baude: It's no secret that the Supreme Court trusts no institution in America as much as it trusts the Supreme Court. That's not something unique to the Roberts court — we've been living in an age of judicial supremacy for more than 50 years. But I think the court should recognize that all of the flaws and biases it sees in other institutions are potentially true of itself, too. The justices are only human, even if they are really doing their best.
You can read the whole thing here.
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Baude in his divided opinion podcast talked about Bruen as part of the Court's project to redo rights jurisprudence and do it right this time.
But his originalism is very much based on respect for precedent. At least when it’s incremental and rationally related to past precedent and thence eventually to the founding era.
Bruen sounds like it is more in the 1980s political attack on the Warren Court originalism vein than the positivist originalism he’s into.
Dunno if I have that right, and dunno if discontinuous originalism is better than none at all. Just a thought from the dialogue above ability approving of the Court’s originalist opinions, since some of them are a radically different flavor of originalism than his take seems like to me.
” Maybe now we’re getting closer to 80 percent of the time, but that remaining percentage is killer.”
That’s generous. But, I guess, as Eric Segall notes, “originalism” is so open-ended, that you can get somewhere close.
When dealing with Mr. Trump in particular, the court is so sure that our other institutions cannot be trusted that it fails to look in the mirror.”
“In particular” Does originalism think SCOTUS should be the one trusted institution generally?
It surely hasn’t acted that too trustworthy.
BTW, a low point for me was the release of the insurrection ruling as a per curiam & not even showing up! Toss in another BIG case, “not bad except” becomes a hard grade to defend, especially since it isn’t the only problem.
Watching Demented Joe’s Dementia 13 Press Conference, so I’ll pretend I’m demented also…
Don’t the Surpremes have a Basketball Court? (the Court has a “Court”? get it?)
OK, I know you H8er’s will keep on H8-in, but how would you deploy a Surpreme Hoops Team?, I’m thinking Sammy “The Knife” Alito at Point Guard, Neil Gore-Sucks at Shooting Guard, “Big Brain on” Brett “I like Beer” Kavanaugh at Power Forward, “Big” John Roberts at Small Forward, and of course, my favorite, Clarence “Frogman” Thomas in “the Paint” (He might not have much of a Vertical Leap, but you ain’t getting through CT)
Frank
When is Trump going to be prosecuted for killing Herman Cain?? His only defense is that it was Melania’s KFC fart that spread the Covid that infected Herman and not Trump’s KFC fart! Stinky and deadly!
Since Marbury v. Madison, the role of the Supremes has been far beyond their Constitutionally authorized ambit. What a shame that the Congress was so mad at the president that it failed in its role of restraining judicial overreach.
Is it logically possible for a law to be in conflict with the Constitution? Of course it is.
Shall this be determined by a court judging cases and controversies as applied to those cases, or by the people exceding the legal authorization of the Constitution in lawmaking?
"It sure seems like thjs law conflicts with the Constitution."
"Nope!" said the person who passed it, knowingly and deliberately.
Ironically, you would use "but The People voted for them, and hence, it!", a bizarre statement your opponents use regularly in their own overreaches.
Hint: Giving politicians free reign when using their one superpower, directing the blowing winds of transient political passion, hasn't worked out so well for freedom, historically.
Multiple members of the Supreme Court had already granted the power of judicial review before Marbury.
Marbury was based on principles found in the Federalist Papers. Multiple other framers agreed with its basic principles.
Jefferson and Madison argued that one function of the Bill of Rights was that the independent judiciary would guard against unconstitutional violations of rights found there.
In the 1790s, Jeffersonians went to the Supreme Court to argue that a carriage tax was unconstitutional.
The Constitution is the law of the land. If the Supreme Court has to rule upon a dispute, it has the power to decide for one side because a state or federal official or legislative body violated the Constitution.