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Supreme Court Rules There Is No "Legislative Exception" to the Takings Clause
The decision is unanimous, though some related issues have been left for later resolution.

In Sheetz v. County of El Dorado, decided today, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that there is no "legislative exception" to the Takings Clause. In previous cases such as Nollan v. California Coastal Commission and Dolan v. City of Tigard, the Court ruled that state and local governments sometimes violate the Takings Clause when they impose "exactions" as a condition of allowing property owners to develop their land. Some state courts—including the California Court of Appeal in this case—have held there is no Takings Clause liability for land-use exactions in cases where the requirement was imposed by legislation instead of by regulatory agencies. In this instance, a landowner had been barred by El Dorado County from building a new home on his property unless he first paid a $23,420 "traffic impact mitigation" fee.
Oral argument revealed that the justices were in "radical agreement" (as Justice Elena Kagan put it) in rejecting the idea that there is any such legislative exception. Indeed, even counsel for the County seemed to abandon the argument that any such exception exists. Thus, today's unanimous decision to that effect comes as little surprise. Justice Amy Coney Barrett's opinion for the Court effectively summarizes the reasons why the idea that there is a legislative exception makes little sense:
Nothing in constitutional text, history, or precedent supports exempting legislatures from ordinary takings rules.
The Constitution's text does not limit the Takings Clause to a particular branch of government. The Clause itself, which speaks in the passive voice, "focuses on (and prohibits) a certain 'act': the taking of private property without just compensation." Knight v. Metropolitan Govt. of Nashville & Davidson Cty., 67 F. 4th 816, 829 (CA6 2023). It does not single out legislative acts for special treatment. Nor does the Fourteenth Amendment, which incorporates the Takings Clause against the States. On the contrary, the Amendment constrains the power of each "State" as an undivided whole. §1 Thus, there is "no textual justification for saying that the existence or the scope of a State's power to expropriate private property without just compensation varies according to the branch of government effecting the expropriation." Stop the Beach Renourishment, Inc. v. Florida Dept. of Environmental Protection, 560 U. S. 702, 714 (2010) (plurality opinion). Just as the Takings Clause "protects 'private property' without any distinction between different types," Horne v. Department of Agriculture, 576 U. S. 351, 358 (2015), it constrains the government without any distinction between legislation and other official acts.
I think this is clearly the correct result, for reasons well summarized in today's ruling. See also my discussion here.
At oral argument, it seemed like the justices might be interested in going beyond the legislative exception issue, possibly addressing the underlying question of whether the fee imposed in this case was a taking or not. However, the Court chose not to deal with that question, which will now be remanded back to the California state courts for their consideration.
In a concurring opinion joined by Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, Justice Sotomayor emphasizes that the Court did not resolve the issue of whether the fee imposed on Sheetz would be a taking if imposed "outside the permitting process." She argues that the takings liability only applies if the answer to that question is yes. I am not convinced she is right on that point. Tying the fee to a land-use development permit implicates private property rights in a way that imposing a fee unrelated to development might not.
Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote a concurring opinion joined by Justice Kagan and Justice Jackson. He notes that "the Court has not previously decided—and today explicitly declines to decide—whether 'a permit condition imposed on a class of properties must be tailored with the same degree of specificity as a permit condition that targets a particular development.'" He further emphasizes that "today's decision does not address or prohibit the common government practice of imposing permit conditions, such as impact fees, on new developments through reasonable formulas or schedules that assess the impact of classes of development rather than the impact of specific parcels of property."
Finally, Justice Neil Gorsuch has a concurring opinion arguing (correctly, in my view) that Takings Clause standards should not vary based on whether the challenged regulation applies to a narrow class of properties or a broad one:
The Court notes but does not address a separate question: whether the Nollan/Dolan test operates differently when an alleged taking affects a "class of properties" rather than "a particular development…" But how could it? To assess whether a government has engaged in a taking by imposing a condition on the development of land, the Nollan/Dolan test asks whether the condition in question bears an " 'essential nexus' "to the government's land-use interest and has " 'rough proportionality' " to a property's impact on that interest… Nothing about that test depends on whether the government imposes the challenged condition on a large class of properties or a single tract or something in between. Once more, how the government acts may vary but the Constitution's standard for assessing those actions does not.
I think Gorsuch is right about this point. But, as the Kavanaugh concurrence suggests, there may well be disagreement over this issue on the Court.
When and if the Court takes another regulatory exactions takings case, there are likely to be divergences between the justices, including some that divide them along standard left-right ideological lines. But it is notable that the Court reached unanimous "radical agreement" on the legislative exception issue. This is now the second big takings case in a row on which the justices reached unanimous agreement in favor of the property rights side, following in the footsteps of last year's important ruling in Tyler v. Hennepin County.
In sum, today's decision is far from a definitive resolution of outstanding questions about when regulatory exactions and permit requirements qualify as takings. But the Justices—all of them—did get the legislative exception question right. That's pretty good for government work.
NOTE: The property owner in this case is represented by the Pacific Legal Foundation, which is also my wife's employer. However, she was not part of the litigation team working on the case. PLF also litigated Tyler v. Hennepin County. They are clearly on a roll when it comes to winning property rights cases at SCOTUS!
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How do you distinguish “the government charges a fee to do X” and “the government imposes a tax on X”? in this case the government didn’t make an individualized determination that the fee was necessary to prevent impacts, it just imposed a predetermined amount on a class of people. But isn’t a predetermined amount imposed on a class of people basically a tax?
It's easiest if you just call fees taxes.
"There's a conceptual difference."
No, not really.
I think it's actually pretty simple: In theory, everything the government does, EVERYTHING, is supposed to be done for the general welfare of the population as a whole.
And so the cost of it is supposed to fall on the general population, as a whole.
Takings are where the government says, "Sucks to be you" and instead subjects specific people to those costs that are supposed to be general. Instead of taxing the town to buy the land the new courthouse will be built on, the government just takes the land from a particular person.
Very popular with everybody but that particular person, of course, so it's an evil democracies are prone to.
So, your question: "How do you distinguish “the government charges a fee to do X” and “the government imposes a tax on X”?"
In the first case, the government itself is doing X, and charging people who chose to have X done for the cost of it. Particular welfare, particular cost, pretty reasonable as long as people have a choice about whether to get X.
In the second case, government isn't doing X, it's just forcing everybody to pay up for the government's permission to do what they didn't NEED any help from the government to do.
In the second case, government isn’t doing X, it’s just forcing everybody to pay up for the government’s permission to do what they didn’t NEED any help from the government to do.
Because the new suburban condo development doesn't need fire protection, a public school to send the kids to, or a police station close enough to make a difference?
Takings are where the government says, “Sucks to be you” and instead subjects specific people to those costs that are supposed to be general. Instead of taxing the town to buy the land the new courthouse will be built on, the government just takes the land from a particular person.
You make it sound as if the government simply seizes the land. But of course that's not true. They must pay the owner "just compensation," which in fact comes out of the pockets of the general population.
Now, I happen to think that that compensation is often too low, and the definition of "public purpose" sometimes too broad, but that doesn't change the fact that they are not just seizing the property.
The government simply seizes the land, they pay 'just compensation' only because the Constitution forces them to. And, as you note, it's seldom actually just compensation, it's as little as they can get away with.
they pay ‘just compensation’ only because the Constitution forces them to.
Again, you make it sound like the compensation is not really part of the system. They only pay it "because the Constitution forces them to."
Well, yes. That's the law. It's part of the system, not some bizarre add-on requirement. You only pay taxes because the law requires you to.
"You make it sound as if the government simply seizes the land."
When they come and say we will give you $X for your land, but you can't refuse our offer and you can't negotiate over the price, I would call that seizing the land.
If the current owner doesn't have the option to say fuck you, we aren't selling at any price, that's seizing the land.
I *think* that was the point. Explaining the logic of the takings clause.
Because it's a scenario where the government is taking it from the particular person, they have to pay the person so it *becomes* the cost being born by the whole population.
Exactly so.
Taxes are for the general benefit of the community.
Fees are assessed based upon the relative contribution for the need (and/or use) and assessed upon property or individuals based upon that.
In other words, taxes are general assessments on a community regardless of need or use.
Fees are specific assessments that must be associated with some specific need or use.
To give you an illustration-
A tax might be authorized on everyone in a given area, period.
But if there is, say, a fee, it can only be assessed based upon need or use of a service. Some courts make this clear, so that a transportation fee that is assessed that benefits people other than those paying the fee is actually a tax.
The line can get blurry at the margins, and some places police it more strictly than others.
I think the concurrence distinguished between a fee imposed on a category of properties calculated according to a formula, and a fee imposed ad-hoc on an individual property at discretion, with no fixed basis or criteria.
The former is functionally indistinguishable from a tax. The latter is not.
The narrow interpretation of the decision is that if the fee is based on ad-hoc discretion, then it doesn’t matter whether the officials exercising ad-hoc discretion are the city administrators through a decision or the city council through a resolution.
The implication is that if the fee has a pre-existing basis and isn’t based on ad-hoc discretion, then it shouldn’t matter either.
Does the decision in this case affect "police destroy third party's house in pursuit of a criminal" cases?
No? Why would it?
My county has a transportation impact fee AND an education impact fee.
Will that now go away?
It depends. The decision cites a previous decision that "permit conditions must have ‘rough proportionality’ to the development’s impact". So no million-dollar fee unless your development is actually going to cost the public roughly a million dollars.
Does this open a line of reasoning to eliminate targeted taxes of all kinds, such as special taxes on liquor sales, hotel stays, restaurant meals, etc.?
More generally, the decision seems to blur separation of powers. If a taxing power for government is conceded as Constitutionally legitimate, on what legitimate basis does the Court get to make the decision which specific taxes get disallowed as takings, and which taxes get treated as proper exercises of legislative authority? What is the limit of this Court-exercised power?
"What is the limit of this Court-exercised power?"
Whatever the nine say that it is.
So no more targeted taxes, and no need to ask the legislature first to get rid of them? Cool! Libertarian paradise, actually, as long as libertarians can keep the Court stacked that way.
For a political movement with no theory of government at all, Libertarianism seems to be amassing a lot more government power than the jointly sovereign People anticipated. Let's see how far toward replacing joint popular sovereignty Libertarian Court Supremacy can go.
Come on. If you take "government power" to include "the power to stop other branches of government from doing something" then pretty much every form of government has all the power - either it can do a thing, or it can stop itself from doing the thing.
What happens if a legislature imposes a tax on land development practiced as a commercial activity?
Maybe the law says anyone, including even land developers, can escape taxation if they develop property which they own without entanglement by contingent contracts. But if they contract to develop land in which some other party holds an ownership interest, that is commercial land development, and taxable on a theory that the development activity is what gets taxed, leaving the property right intact.
Or, alternatively, are capital gains realized by land development activity untaxable, lest any tax be ruled an uncompensated taking?
The Takings Clause should extend to the piece of shit in the White House blatantly buying votes. Biden is a traitor who should be tried for treason. I hope he gets a tumor like his worthless son who is now in the ground where he belongs.
https://thehill.com/homenews/education/4590710-biden-student-debt-relief-loan-forgiveness-swing-states-2024/
And to the Republicans in the state legislature pandering to the senior citizens to get votes by offering property tax and state income tax relief that is available only to those over 65.
No difference.
No, there's a huge difference, although I don't particularly care for the senior benefits.
Everyone eventually qualifies, assuming he lives that long. Not everyone will qualify here.
There's also a policy argument for senior tax benefits, in that you don't want seniors to have to move out of their homes when they are on a fixed income. I don't necessarily agree, but it's not a blatant vote buying scheme.
There is no policy argument here other than "Free shit is good politics for the recipients of said free shit."
As professor Somin points out, this ruling is potentially quite narrow. It could mean only that a legislature can’t require a fee as a condition to develop an individual property if the fee is not for purposes related to the proposed use and is not part of any general taxation or fee scheme.
The 3 liberals plus Kavanaugh might potentially pick up a 5th vote.
The fact that only Gorsuch favored Professor Somin’s position suggests that the broad application he advocates may not come to pass.
It may be potentially quite narrow. My guess is that the Pacific Legal Foundation regards it as high-grade lubricant to enable a potentially broad slide down a newly slippery slope.