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With the Lemon Test Dead, Can The Establishment Clause Be Unincorporated?
The establishment principles grounded in original meaning can be shifted to the Free Exercise Clause.
The Establishment Clause is something of an outlier in constitutional jurisprudence.
First, the Establishment Clause, as ratified in 1791, was a federalism provision. It prevented Congress from interfering with state establishments of religion. That provision suggests that states can have established religions, and that Congress cannot disestablish any of those religions. As all know, there were several established churches at the time of the founding. And if tradition means anything, then practices from 1791 are directly relevant to this question.
Second, as Justice Thomas has observed, such a federalism provision resists incorporation. I've not seen any compelling evidence from debates during the 39th Congress suggesting that the Fourteenth Amendment would place the states under the strictures of the Establishment Clause. (And if the Section 3 debates has taught us anything, the only relevant speeches that matter to understand the Fourteenth Amendments are remarks from congressional republicans in a narrow two-year window.) To be sure, there were comments about the freedom of conscience, perhaps as a privilege or immunity of citizenship, but not about the Establishment Clause in particular--and certainly not about how the Warren Court understood the Establishment Clause. And by the 1860s, all of the Established Churches had been disestablished. But as a practical matter, it was never clear to me how the Establishment Clause could even be incorporated as a privilege or immunity of citizenship, or even as a liberty protected by the Due Process Clause.
Third, the Establishment Clause doctrine developed in the Twentieth Century was based on a misreading of Jefferson's letter to the Danbury Baptist, and ignored the overwhelming amount of evidence that others in the founding generation did not share Jefferson's views. (See Justice Scalia's dissents in Lee v. Weisman and McCreary County.) And there was no attempt to graft it in how religion was understood in the 1860s.
Fourth, the Establishment Clause has had anomalous effects in other areas of the law, such as "taxpayer" standing and "offended observer" standing. (I've referred to these adjustments as "epicycles.") These doctrines were invented to ensure there was standing to consider cases based on invented doctrines. Legal fictions all the way down. Really, all we are left with is a stare decisis defense of Establishment Clause cases. We know how much that is worth.
The Court has begun to correct course. The Court (effectively) overruled the Lemon test in Kennedy, favoring a "text, history, and tradition" approach. No more concerns about "purpose" or "entanglement." American Legion cabined McCreary County with regard to public displays of religion. I don't think any such new cases are even in the pipeline. Town of Greece cabined Lee v. Weisman for public prayer cases. I've seen some arguments that prayer in school may be in play, if done in a voluntary, separate setting. And Carson v. Makin has largely addressed funding of religious institutions. Providing the funding indirectly, instead of directly, gets around most issues. Blaine Amendments are on precarious ground, even if not formally declared unconstitutional.
What remains of the Establishment Clause going forward? I think cases of actual coercion are still viable. In my view, those sorts of claims always seemed more grounded in Free Exercise doctrine than in Establishment Clause doctrine. That is, coercing a person to engage in any particular faith is itself a violation of that person's own rights of conscience. Justice Gorsuch's opinion in Kennedy recognized this principle. That sort of argument works even for an atheist, whose system of conscience is to have no religion at all.
There are also cases where the government prefers one particular religion, or disfavors a particular religion. We saw these claims raised during the travel ban litigation--that is, the policy expressed a disfavor (animus) towards Islam. At the time, I thought these claims sounded in the Free Exercise Clause, like in Lukumi. That is, the government was burdening the rights of Muslims because of their religion. But of course, that argument would not work with the travel ban, because non-citizens seeking entry to the United States could not assert a free-standing Free Exercise claim. Instead, they had to assert some sort of structural Establishment Clause against the federal government. That argument never made much sense to me.
In candor, there is not much Establishment Clause caselaw left over after Kennedy, Carson, Town of Greece, and American Legion. A union of church and state that would have been unconstitutional a generation ago is now constitutionally mandated--Justice Sotomayor's Carson dissent makes this point directly. And what little doctrine exists is probably better conceptualized as Free Exercise jurisprudence.
So I pose the question: can the Establishment Clause be unincorporated? The federal government would remain subject to the clause--perhaps even subject to modern doctrine. National policy would still have to be religiously neutral. But states would only be subject to the strictures of the Free Exercise Clause. The originalist case for incorporating the Establishment Clause never made sense. That caselaw has engendered massive and unending controversies. And it has distorted other areas of caselaw. Whatever concrete reliance interests could be addressed through a properly-understood Free Exercise Clause. The only claims that would fall out would be those that have no basis on text, history, or tradition.
Readers of this post may be rolling there eyes, but this is how change start. Seeds are planted and things grow. There is some scholarship defending the incorporation of the Establishment Clause by Kurt Lash and Fred Gedicks. Those might be good places to start thinking about the issue.
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Bonus points. If each state had an establishment of religion what would they be?
1. Utah - Mormon
2. Alabama - Baptist
3. Rhode Island - Catholic
4. Vermont - Ganja
5. West Virginia - Methodist
6. North Dakota - Lutheran
You all are up.
Based on the state of things at their admission to the union? Or if the establishment clause would be unincorporated at our current point in history?
Utah -- polygamy, cousin marriage, magic underwear
Alabama -- Klan, Federalist Society
Rhode Island -- who cares?
Vermont -- white, federal dependency
West Virginia -- sibling common law marriage, street pills
North Dakota -- who cares?
I do take exception to your dismissal of Rhode Island.
Without that tiny little state, there would be no U.S.A. You can look it up.
Thank you for recognizing the contribution of Little Rhode Island to our founding
What, you mean "Rogue Island", the last of the original states to ratify the Constitution, and that only in response to the threat of a naval blockade by the rest of the states?
The case of Rhode Island is particularly apt in a discussion of established religion since it was founded by Roger Williams after he was kicked out of the Massachusetts Bay colony in 1636 for religious heterodoxy, by Puritans who had escaped England to avoid persecution for their religious heterodoxy.
Texas – Texaism
Texas existed only to extend slavery. Again -- you can look it up.
You need to walk into a bar in Fort Worth and say that to earn any credit. Such sentiments don't count when said east of the Mississippi.
I don't know what religion Wisconsin would establish, but it would certainly have sacred cows.
Blessed are the cheesemakers.
Why on earth would you want to do that? Currying favor with Christian Nationalists, or what?
What is the benefit of letting a state's religious majority establish a state religion? And what do you do about the inevitable abuses?
Is Josh just trying to build credibility with the theocrats.
Worst idea ever.
"What is the benefit of letting a state’s religious majority establish a state religion?"
Why do you hate democracy?
Even Josh admits that coercion would probably stand up fine under a Free Exercise claim. The real problem with established religion is that the majority would not be likely to stop at just declaring an official religion. They'd want taxpayer funding, privileges to have their displays on public property, the right to be the one religion allowed to give prayers at public meetings, etc. And once they had those things, they wouldn't be likely to stop there, and people of other faiths or no faith would be routinely having to file suit to enforce what is left of prohibitions on coercion.
The only people cheering for the Establishment Clause to be a dead letter are those that want to use the power of government to push their religion.
As old-timey religion continues to fade in America, the vestigial religious believers are likely to come to regret their increasily aggressive push on special privilege for superstition, safe spaces for certain bigots, and a 'heads we win, tails you lose' approach.
Maybe they can pray on it a spell and invoke a miracle? Otherwise, they're going to get smoked.
In my opinion, a new round of state establishments is unlikely.
It's worth noting that all of the original states that had established religions had disestablished before the Civil War. This is even in the face of existing doctrine that the 1st Amendment establishment clause didn't apply to the states prior to the 14th amendment.
In my opinion, the only state that would be remotely likely to create an established religion in the modern era (assuming that the establishment clause is unincorporated) would be Utah.
I think it is unlikely that any state, even Utah, would formally establish a church that admitted to being one. It's somewhat less unlikely that a state might establish the practical equivalent of a church.
There are lots of meme complexes out there that occupy the same conceptual space as a religion, without the element of formally positing the existence of some god. They'd be no less destructive of liberty if they got state status.
It does no favors to people of faith to conflate ideology with religion. And I only see it done to attack ideologies.
I'm not trying to do anybody favors here, I'm trying to be realistic. Not all religions claim to be religions.
It's the superstition-soaked anti-abortion absolutists, antisocial gun nuts, and obsolete Electoral College and filibuster fans who can't abide democracy.
Why do you hate individual liberty?
It is several orders of magnitude more likely that the Second Amendment will be unincorporated before the establishment clause ever is.
That seems like comparing really minuscule probabilities. But what path is there for even the smallest rollback of the Second Amendment?
For all practical purposes, none whatsoever.
Court packing. Really, that's the only viable path that wouldn't require generations of forced social change.
Supreme Court enlargement will be among the American culture war's winners response to gun nuttery, anti-abortion absolutism, conservative bigotry, and religious kookery.
Do these right-wing yahoos genuinely figure the obsolete minority will continue to control the judiciary as the culture war and America continue to progress in predictable manner?
You've been banging that enlargement drum for awhile now. Do I need to summon OBL to recall a prediction of yours? 🙂
non-citizens seeking entry to the United States could not assert a free-standing Free Exercise claim. Instead, they had to assert some sort of structural Establishment Clause against the federal government. That argument never made much sense to me.
Why not? Suppose Congress passed a law that said only Christians could immigrate. Would that not violate the Establishment Clause?
Prof. Somin has argued it would, but I don't see what it has to do with the establishment of religion. There's an equal protection issue, but I don't think that applies to foreigners in foreign countries. Maybe it discriminates against their American relatives?
It would establish a preference for a particular religion, symbolically even if it did not affect people already in the country.
It would establish a preference for particular people, not a particular religion.
It would establish a preference for particular people, not a particular religion.
Not really. Anyone can become a Christian, after all. A Muslim who converts could immigrate. A Christian who took up Islam could not. So it's the religion that counts, not the individual.
Suppose Congress passed a law that said only Christians could immigrate. Would that not violate the Establishment Clause?
If Trump supported it, Josh would find a way to argue that it's constitutional, our own religion notwithstanding.
Under the Verdugo-Urquidez line of cases, there’s a good argument it wouldn’t. The Bill of Rights simply doesn’t apply to extraterritorial aliens. It only applies to persons.
Under the 14th amendment as originally written, the Bill of Rights didn't apply to "persons", it applied to citizens. It was the oxymoronic 'substantive due process' the Court invented to avoid directly overturning the Slaughterhouse cases that messed that up, by restoring incorporation via the due process clause, instead of the P&I clause, as originally intended.
But the Establishment Clause is not about individuals at all. It is a restriction on government.
But that’s not a valid argument. First Amendment rights are personal rights. Foreigners don’t have standing to make abstract arguments about how the United States government operates. If the bill of Rights doesn’t apply, they have no legal interest in the merits of whether an Establishment exists or not.
The Court (effectively) overruled the Lemon test in Kennedy, favoring a "text, history, and tradition" approach. No more concerns about "purpose" or "entanglement."
I wouldn't hold up Kennedy as an example of fine judicial reasoning.
The most obvious instance of a SC judge lying in a decision that I can recall.
Odd to see an observant Jew advocating this.
He's not observant.
(wink) Yes, I know.
I suspect that Prof. Blackman is in the same category as Irving Kristol: (i) in favor of religious traditionalism as a buttress to the conservative values they endorse, yet (ii) unable to embrace their own traditional religion, as insufficiently credible or universalist, but (iii) strongly admiring America as a bastion of freedom and prosperity, and therefore (iv) endorsing the establishment of American–though not their own–religious traditions (i.e., Protestant Christianity) as the best hope for preserving such freedom and prosperity. (This might also be just about where real intellectuals like Leo Strauss and Allan Bloom came out.)
Perceptive!
And one might add oblivious to the direction America has taken in (what we have to admit is) the Age of Trump.
(i) in favor of religious traditionalism as a buttress to the conservative values they endorse,
Which is an admission that those values can't stand on their own.
Allan Bloom might say (if he spoke openly, which he never would), that those values stand on their own only for superior minds. The average person needs emotional and psychological support for what he, in his perfectly rational moments, knows to be right and true. Obviously bernard11 and his comrades don't need the crutches that support hoi polloi, but it is uncharitable to deny others the support which they do need.
I have no wish to deny anyone their buttresses.
I just don't want to be buttressed myself. Especially not by the state.
So no minimum wage laws or anti-discrimination laws for you?
Why the shift, when we were talking about the "emotional and psychological support" some get from religion, unless you really have no response?
As religion continues to decline in popularity and influence in modern, improving America, superstition advocates will become more energetic with respect to promoting special privilege for religion and safe spaces for bigotry associated with superstition.
I expect those clingers to fail, just as they have lost the culture war in general.
Carry on, clingers. So far and so long as better Americans permit.
Excellent work! Many folks forget that "the Establishment Clause, as ratified in 1791, was a federalism provision. It prevented Congress from interfering with state establishments of religion."
I always chuckle when I read a letter, not burned by the British, from clergy to one of my forefathers. The letter laments my forefather's absence from a recent Sunday service -- and more forcefully laments the absence of his state-mandated tithe to a religious order to which he did not belong. Yes, states had established religions and had mandatory fees associated with them.
The "Congress shall make no law ... respecting an establishment of religion" clause is also significant because it highlights the corresponding "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech" clause.
If you start unincorporating, where do you stop?
We should have more incorporation, not less. (grand juries, civil juries)
Dear Josh -
Your, "In fact, the planets that orbited the earth also orbited within a small circle. This orbit-within-an-orbit explained the retrograde motion of planets. But why would the planets orbit within the epicycle? Who cares!", from the previous article, raises, at least two 'things' of note.
One:
Epicycles is a great term for many uses do describe, in a fashion of sorts, the real movement of that being described, for which any other means fails to appreciate the fullest measure of movement for a thing being watched, studied, or measured. Constant repetition fails, and so does that phrase "History repeats" fails close observation.
Two:
"Who cares!" Well, those epicycles explains the madness associated with the mantra of 'Climate Change / Global Warming' which precisely the result of those epicycles and NOT debris of humans natural outputs. Epicycles are what causes the Earth to be as it has always been, that of a planet traveling round a star having variable weather patterns from the variable path in conjunction with the drifting of continents and their activities, such as mountain building, etc., etc., etc.
Likewise. the Establishment Clause and the other clauses are as valuable as the Santa Claus clause, each is a fiction and a perpetration of the label clause which limits thinking by narrowing the thought process into simple terms absent actual substance of the words themselves in relation to real life purpose of their creation. Think about this, because sometimes I type without knowing why.
As you note, since all those religious associations with states have long been disestablished, there isn't much need for the Establishment Clause any more. The Free Exercise clause -- which is about freedom of conscience, really, not just freedom of religion, specifically -- covers what we need at the moment.
I am very much in favor of getting rid of laws we no longer use, or have been so twisted as to be unrecognizable. I would put the Establishment Clause at the back of that bus, however. Me, I'd start with the Commerce Clause. You talk about something honored more in the breach! And so injurious to limiting the reach of government! Let's start there, please.
As you note, since all those religious associations with states have long been disestablished, there isn’t much need for the Establishment Clause any more.
This is John Roberts logic: "Hey, cars haven't been sliding of the road since we put up those guardrails, so I guess we don't need the guardrails any more,"
Remember that the states all abandoned having established churches before the establishment clause applied to them. So are you suggesting reverse causality here?
I'm fine with the establishment clause being incorporated. Potentially it might obstruct some future backsliding. My only beef is that it's routinely construed wrongly to require something approaching governmental hostility to religion, when all it actually mandates is that no laws be enacted on the topic of establishing a state church.
Refusing to provide special privilege based on childish superstition is not government hostility.
Clingers gonna cling . . . but only so much as they are permitted to cling.
My only beef is that it’s routinely construed wrongly to require something approaching governmental hostility to religion,
Ah, the Bellmore Constitution at work.
It's not "routinely construed wrongly." Note that even if you come up with one example, that doesn't qualify as "routinely."
What you seem to want is government favoritism towards religion - subsidies, support for quasi-coercive activities, etc.
You are religious? Fine. Pray at church, or at home, with others who share your beliefs. Don't claim you should have some special privileges because you are in the majority.
Look, it prohibits legislation "respecting an establishment of religion".
That doesn't mean they have to diss religion. It means they can't enact legislation having to do with a state church. Congress could neither mess with the states having their own state churches, (As a number of them did at the time.) nor establish its own state church.
Now, since incorporation, states can't have their own state churches, either. Fine, they'd all stopped doing that before the Civil war anyway.
But an establishment of religion, a state church, is picking a particular church to get special status. So the establishment clause doesn't prohibit giving religion in general favorable status. It just prohibits playing favorites.
If proponents of religion arrange favorable status for religion in general when they have the chance, they should expect others to arrange unfavorable status for religion in general when the times have a-changed. Those who would dislike such a pendulum swing should recall the important adage "no free swings" and try to treat others as they would hope to be treated.
After so many years as the undeserving beneficiaries of several thumbs on the scale for religion, an evenhanded approach would seem harsh to religious advocates. The wailing when the tide begins to travel in the other direction may be severe.
So the establishment clause doesn’t prohibit giving religion in general favorable status. It just prohibits playing favorites.
It may have escaped your notice, but, Establishment Clause or not, religion already enjoys lots of privileges. It is hardly the put-upon institution that some like to claim.
Plus,let's be consistent. If you're going to define Free Exercise as broadly as the imagination allows, the way the courts have done, let's take the same approach to Establishment.
So it would be fine with you if a state government decided to require that job applicants (for state jobs) make an avowal of some religious faith in order to be hired?
No, of course not. In case you hadn't noticed, the establishment clause isn't the only clause of the Constitution that refers to religion. Did you forget Article VI, clause 3?
"but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States."
We need Blackman/Tillman to clarify what that means, and who exactly it applies to.
I'm talking about ordinary personnel. Is a software engineer or an accountant, or a janitor for that matter, covered?
The clause specifically refers to the free exercise of religion, not the free exercise of “conscience”.
Congress had passed a conscientious objector statute with a broader meaning. But that’s a statute, not the constitutional clause.
Would any state make Zionism its established religion?
Zionism is a depraved degenerate religion whose key elements of faith consist of:
1. the fairy tale of a Roman Expulsion that never happened and
2. the concealment of a vicious bloodthirsty hijacking of Palestine from its native population by white racial supremacist European colonial settlers by means of dishonestly calling this genocide of Palestinians the return of the Jews.
The creed of the Zionist religion consists of the following:
1. racial supremacism and chauvinism;
2. an obsession with a distorted and dishonest narrative of the Nazi Holocaust against Jews;
3. worship of the Zionist baby-killer nation; and
4. commitment to the ongoing dispossession of Palestinians, to the genocide of Palestinians, and to the theft of Palestine from Palestinians.
A Zionist cannot be not a Jew. If a Zionist is a descendant of a religious Jewish community, the Zionist is post-Judaism because Zionism murdered Judaism by transforming Judaism into a program of genocide.
The human race has an ethical obligation and categorical imperative to hate, to scorn, and to loathe the baby-killer nation, its colonial setter population, and every Zionist on the planet.
A Zionist is as loathsome as a Nazi.
Every Zionist must be hunted down to be arrested:
1. to be tried for genocide,
2. almost certainly to be convicted, and
3. to be sentenced to prison or to more severe penalty.
Genocide is a capital crime without a statute of limitations.
I sometimes wonder if I am living in 1930s Berlin, immediately before the Nazis took over. And I can't think of a single thing that would increase the speed in that direction than allowing religious bullies the power of the state.
The problem isn't so much even what laws would be passed. The problem is that it would empower theocrats, some of whom have already demonstrated violent tendencies, to harass, intimidate, and bully those they see as the enemy. Just look at what is happening in India right now, in which saying something that offends a Hindu can get you killed. Or the Middle East where gay people are being thrown off buildings. How much of a hit would free speech take -- if Texas is a Christian state, then blasphemy laws logically follow.
We've had relative peace and freedom from religious violence in this country specifically because there has been an agreement that no religion gets control of the police. I'd prefer to keep it that way.
I like my bullies in power! Your bullies would be like Nazi Germany all over again!
My so called bullies use the power of the state to enhance individual freedom. That’s a fairly significant difference. It’s one thing to tell women they can’t have abortions; it’s another thing entirely to tell anti abortion activists they can’t prevent women from having abortions. I’m sure those being prevented from imposing their beliefs on others probably feel bullied but really, it’s not the same thing.
"And if tradition means anything, then practices from 1791 are directly relevant to this question."
Others have alluded to this. If it's through the 14th, then 1868 would be a more relevant "original" date. There were no established churches by that time. Also, I will have to hunt for it, but there is at least one example of I think John Bingham reading from the floor of Congress what "privileges or immunities" means and he read the first eight amendments, including the establishment clause verbatim.
Why should "tradition" mean anything here? I see no reason.
The whole "history and tradition" business is a scam, allowing Justices to pick and choose items from history to support their preferred outcomes, just as they pick and choose legal precedents.
And how valid would even an honest assessment be? That history and tradition all was established in a vastly different political and social environment than we have today, and big chunks of society were barred from participating in its development.
.
Those are the "good old days" for whose return the clingers hope, wish, and pray in vain.
OK, let's think this through. How is constitutional law supposed to work? At the bottom?
People write down words, and agree to be bound by them. Lysander Spooner, the famous anarchist, mocked the idea that dead people, indeed, even other people, can obligate you to any sort of 'contract'. He said that he didn't remember signing any social contract.
But, if we go down that route, the discussion is over, constitutional jurisprudence is all a fraud anyway. What is the Constitution to us, anyway? Nobody asked US for permission to bind us to it!
I prefer to think of it as a consensual illusion, myself. Emphasis on consensual. I didn't write the rules of baseball, either, but I have played baseball, which requires rules, so if we mean to play baseball, we must consent to the rules. And so it very much matters that we agree as to what those rules are.
The same with the Constitution. Sadly, anarchy is not practical, we need at least some government, or perhaps it would be more accurate to say that we can't avoid having at least some government. And government needs agreed upon rules, that are capable of being known. So you write them down.
But, language has ambiguity, and people are tempted beyond all reason to push that ambiguity to the max when the meaning of an utterance is important. So you need something to anchor that meaning, or people will, ultimately, just make shit up, and claim that's what the text "means".
You could anchor the meaning to what people in general presently want, sure. But, how do you determine what people presently want? Intuition? Public opinion polls? Elections that hinge on 20,000 simultaneous issues? Sure, you'll do that if you really just want to ditch the anchor.
No, you anchor it first in the grammatical meaning of the text. And second in what it was originally held to mean, when it was first adopted. And if somebody demands a change, wants that anchor pulled up and placed somewhere else, they can damned well PROVE the public wants the change by asking them formally: Attempting an amendment.
In the meantime, history and tradition? They're just the evidence of what the people who adopted the text understood it to mean. Not perfect evidence, because the generation that adopted a constitution are not necessarily less tempted than people today to violate it. But still, the best evidence, after actual grammar and contemporary dictionary meanings.
Of course, that's not going to sound very good to somebody who wants to cut that anchor chain and sail off to a glorious destination, and doesn't want to have to prove that the public agrees with their destination because they strongly suspect the public doesn't...
I disagree, Brett.
Yes, the Constitution lays down some rules - no 34-year-old Presidents - that we have to obey.
But it also lays down some principles which are not quite the same thing. These require interpretation as to how they are applied. And we are not bound by the interpretation of those who drafted those provisions.
We live in a different society, we know more about many things, we are aware of past errors (as we see them). So we are obligated not to follow blindly what someone thought was the proper application in 1792, or 1868, but what we see as the correct interpretation in 2024.
This does not violate the Constitution. Rather, it respects it. It treats it as a timeless document, not a set of 19th century practices to be obeyed until we get tired of them.
And don't give me the Amendment process. Not only is it totally impractical, it is in fact often unnecessary. Brown v. Board required no Amendment, just an improved understanding of equal protection.
"Readers of this post may be rolling there eyes, but this is how change start. Seeds are planted and things grow. There is some scholarship defending the incorporation of the Establishment Clause by Kurt Lash and Fred Gedicks. Those might be good places to start thinking about the issue."
You know what? I've been thinking about the issue for, oh, 2-3 decades now. At least. And this whole time I've seen no reason not to incorporate the establishment clause. There's no downside to it.
As Jon recommends John Bingham's speech on the floor of Congress, explaining the 14th amendment. Let me recommend Jacob Howard's speech introducing it.
I must admit that Blackmun's position finds some defense there; Howard cites a case by Judge Bushrod Washington, Corfield v. Coryell, where the judge discusses the nature of privileges and immunities.
"Judge Washington says: “The next question is, whether this act infringes that section of the constitution which declares that ‘the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states?’ The inquiry is, what are the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states?
...
To these privileges and immunities, whatever they may be—for they are not and cannot be fully defined in their entire extent and precise nature—to these should be added the personal rights guaranteed and secured by the first eight amendments of the Constitution; such as the freedom of speech and of the press; the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances; a right appertaining to each and all of the people; the right to keep and to bear arms; the right to be exempted from the quartering of soldiers in a house without consent of the owner; the right to be exempt from unreasonable searches and seizures, and from any search or seizure except by virtue of a warrant issued upon a formal oath or affidavit; the right of an accused person to be informed of the nature of the accusation against him, and his right to be tried by an impartial jury of the vicinage; and also the right to be secure against excessive bail and against cruel and unusual punishments. . . ."
He did, in his listing of personal rights, skip over the establishment clause. I suppose because it operates as a prohibition on Congress from legislating at all on a particular topic, rather than a guarantee of a right to individuals.
So, this does provide some basis for the claim that the 14th amendment didn't incorporate the establishment clause, because that clause does not guarantee any privilege or immunity of citizens, and those are what it incorporated.
Although it didn’t work for Roe v. Wade in Dobbs, I somehow suspect Chief Justice Roberts would be able to muster a majority favoring watering down the Establishment Clause over overturning it.
I think Professor Blackman is probably right as an original matter. But the Court’s incorporation cases aren’t originalist. As Timbs v. Indiana, the most recent case in the line held, rights are incorporated if “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty” or “deeply rooted in this nation’s history and tradition.”
Neither prong is strictly originalist. The first prong certainly isn’t.
I do suspect that the Court may do things like limit offended viewer standing and similar special exceptions to standing rules in Establishment Clause cases, extend the Marsh v. Chambers line of cases to find additional carveouts, etc.
The establishment clause should be disincorporated.
At the same time, Blaine provisions of STATE constitutions should be found unconstitutional
A huge logical disconnect
There's strong evidence the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment intended to incorporate the entire Bill of Rights. It's also true that every state that had an established religion deestablished it prior to the passing of the Fourteenth Amendment. This latter fact (a) suggests that these states saw the establishment of state religion as inconsistent with the values embodied in the Establishment Clause and (b) tells you that there wouldn't be any real comments at the time about the implication of incorporating the Establishment Clause because it was already a non-issue. I suspect there weren't many comments on the Third Amendment either.