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The Third Circuit Affirms Sanctions Against the Philadelphia D.A.'s Office for Failing to Confer with Crime Victims
The Circuit concludes that the district court appropriately sanctioned the D.A.'s Office for making misleading statements about whether it had conferred with a crime victim's family.
On Friday, the Third Circuit unanimously affirmed a district court sanctions order against the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office for failing to protect crime victims' rights. The opinion is an important reminder that prosecutors may not ignore crime victims' rights and should confer with them during criminal prosecutions.
I previously blogged about the case here. As recounted in that post, the case arose from brutal murders committed by Robert Wharton and his accomplice. Wharton murdered Bradley and Ferne Hart in their own home and left their seven-month-old baby daughter, Lisa, to die—the horrific climax of a months-long campaign of terror against the family. After Wharton strangled and drowned Ferne in a bathtub, and his accomplice stomped and strangled Bradley in the basement, Wharton sadistically shut off the home's heat in the dead of winter, leaving baby Lisa to freeze and starve. Miraculously, she survived—discovered three days later among the carnage when Bradley's father visited the home and heard her cries.
A jury found Wharton guilty of two counts of first-degree murder in 1985 and returned two death sentences. At first, Wharton adjusted to prison poorly. He tried to escape while leaving the courtroom in an unrelated robbery case. To stop him, an officer had to shoot him twice. The Office prosecuted him for that attempted escape, and he pleaded guilty.
As the Third Circuit recounted, over the next six years, Wharton had a mixed prison record. Some of his behavior was good. But he also racked up six prison misconducts, including two serious ones for having makeshift handcuff keys.
In 1992, after Wharton's first sentence was reversed for a jury-instruction error, a jury sentenced him to death again. After state courts rejected his challenges, Wharton filed a federal habeas petition, which the district court denied.
In 2018, the Third Circuit remanded to the district court on the single issue of whether Wharton had adjusted well to prison—and whether Wharton's counsel was ineffective in failing to present such an argument to the jury. The Circuit ordered the district court to hold an evidentiary hearing on the subject. The Circuit specified that the hearing needed to cover not only "the mitigation evidence that went unmentioned" but also "the anti-mitigation evidence that the Commonwealth would have presented [in] rebut[tal]."
But less than a month later, before the district court could hold that hearing, the Philadelphia D.A.'s Office filed a notice of concession. In that notice, the Office asserted that it had decided to concede relief "[f]ollowing review of this case by the Capital Case Review Committee…, communication with the victims' family, and notice to [Wharton's] counsel." Yet it did not explain its about-face.
The district court did not accept the concession. Instead, it asked the parties to brief whether it could grant relief without holding the evidentiary hearing that the Third Circuit had ordered. In response, the D.A.'s Office filed a brief asserting that it had "carefully reviewed the facts and law and determined that Wharton's ineffectiveness claim fulfills the criteria articulated in Strickland v. Washington, 466 U.S. 668 (1984)." Yet the Office did not reveal Wharton's escape attempt or prison misconducts. As the district court observed, its brief said nothing about seeking facts beyond the record or investigating Wharton's prison adjustment.
As the Third Circuit further explained, the district undertook further investigation:
Dissatisfied with the Office's explanation, the District Court appointed the Pennsylvania Attorney General as amicus curiae to investigate Wharton's adjustment to prison. The Attorney General disclosed to the court what the Office had not—Wharton's escape attempt and the details of his prison misconducts. The Attorney General also provided evidence that the Office's communication with the victims' family had been minimal. Upon learning these previously undisclosed facts, the court scheduled an evidentiary hearing.
The hearing revealed that the Office's statements about its investigation into Wharton's prison adjustment were misleading. Paul George, who with Nancy Winkelman litigated this habeas case and supervised the Office's Law Division, admitted that the Office was aware of the escape attempt. Plus, the Office could have found the escape attempt simply by looking up Wharton's criminal record.
The hearing also revealed that the Office's statements about contacting the victims' family were misleading. Those statements implied "that the victims' family had agreed" with the Office's about-face. Yet the Office had notified only [murder victim] Bradley's brother, but not the sole surviving victim (Lisa) or any other family members. And though it did contact Bradley's brother, it did not tell him clearly that it planned to concede the death penalty. Later, when the Attorney General explained the situation to the family members, most of them "were vehemently opposed to" the Office's concession.
The district court held a further evidentiary hearing on the D.A.'s Office's apparent misrepresentations. And following that hearing, the district court reprimanded the Office and supervisors George and Winkelman. It found that they had violated Rule 11(b)(3) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure because the Office had made "representations to th[e] Court that lacked evidentiary support and were not in any way formed after 'an inquiry reasonable under the circumstances.'" The district court explained that the Office would have discovered Wharton's escape attempt simply by reviewing his criminal record. So, if the Office had truly been unaware of the prior escape attempt, it had no reasonable basis to say it had reviewed the facts carefully. As another example, the Office had not contacted most members of the victims' family. And, in its minimal contact with one family member, the Office had not explained the situation clearly. So its statement about communicating with the victims' family was false and not made after a reasonable inquiry. Both misstatements, the district court held, violated the lawyers' duty of candor to the court.
The district court imposed two mild sanctions. First, it ordered District Attorney Larry Krasner to apologize in writing to four of the victims' family members for misrepresenting the Office's communication with them. Second, it ordered the Office, when it seeks to concede federal habeas cases in the future, to give "a full, balanced explanation" of the facts.
The Office and the two sanctioned attorneys appealled to the Third Circuit. The victims' family filed an amicus brief supporting the district court's sanctions, written pro bono by Allyson Ho and her colleagues at Gibson Dunn, along with the National Crime Victim's Law Institute and me.
On Friday, the Third Circuit affirmed the sanctions. The Circuit agreed with the district court that the appellants had falsely claimed that they had "carefully reviewed the facts and the law" in conceding Wharton's ineffective assistance of counsel claim. And the Circuit agreed that the district court properly sanctioned appellants for misleadingly claiming that the Office had "communicat[ed] with the victims' family." The Circuit explained:
Though literally true, that statement was misleading. Our opinion remanding this case identified Lisa Hart by name as the sole survivor of Wharton's crimes. Any reasonable reader would expect, as Judge Goldberg did, that this phrasing meant Lisa had been contacted. Yet she was not. And any reasonable reader would expect, as Judge Goldberg did, that the Office had solicited the views of other family members. Yet the Office had not contacted anyone besides Bradley's brother. Plus, when it reached him, it never told him clearly that it was planning to concede the death penalty. As Winkelman admitted at the hearing, the Office's failure to reach out to Lisa was a "mistake."
The District Court found that the Office made the statement without first inquiring reasonably and confirming that someone had contacted the victims' family, especially Lisa. Because "the reasonably foreseeable effect of [their] representations to the [District] [C]ourt was to mislead the court," their negligent misstatement violated Rule 11.
The Circuit concluded with a reminder that attorneys are officers of the court with important duties of candor:
As officers of the court, lawyers must not mislead courts. So before they state facts, they must investigate reasonably. In this case, the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office and two of its supervisors did not live up to that duty. So the District Court properly ordered District Attorney Larry Krasner to apologize to the murder victims' family and be more forthcoming in the future. Because those mild sanctions were justified and reasonable, we will affirm.
In a separate opinion, the Third Circuit also denied Wharton's underlying habeas petition that produced the issue. The Circuit unanimously concluded that there was not a reasonable probability that if the jury had seen Wharton's prison record the outcome of the case would have changed.
For nearly forty years, Lisa and her family have awaited justice. I hope that Friday's opinions will be step towards bringing the case to a final conclusion. And the opinions serve as a reminder to prosecutors of the importance of conferring with crime victims and their families in the course of criminal prosecutions.
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The attorneys involved should be disbarred. They should have been held in contempt of court and sentenced to 179 days in jail, and they should have been forced to pay for all the court costs personally. They should be ruined professionally and personally.
For making a "literally true" statement?
can't mislead a court . . . . recall that the victim's family isn't there to provide the whole story, so yeah, dumb-ass.
From Pg 14 of the opinion:
“Rule 11 also imposes an implied ‘duty of candor,’ which attorneys violate whenever they misrepresent the evidence supporting their claims. [...] Candor means more than just not lying. It also means not saying things “that are literally true but actually misleading.” [...] And it means steering clear of “half-truths, inconsistencies, mischaracterizations, exaggerations, omissions, evasions, and failures to correct known misimpressions created by [the lawyers’] own conduct.” [...] Candor is especially critical when proceedings are nonadversarial. At ex parte hearings, for instance, “the customary checks and balances do not pertain—and the court is entitled to expect an even greater degree of thoroughness and candor.”
I don't believe that it is remotely fair to hold any lawyer to this standard. It would be like asking a tiger to live on salad.
Waiting for a criminal to get sprung, claiming that, by the DA not consulting victims, they could have missed argument for lower sentencing, not just higher sentencing.
"On Friday, the Third Circuit unanimously affirmed a district court sanctions order against the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office for failing to protect crime victims' rights. "
A misleading statement?
The opinion says the sanction was for lying to the court.
Right. Courts don't like to be lied to, or mislead. Victims rights is not why there were sanctions here.
Indeed, Cassell posted about this story before, and he was called on this exact misrepresentation before.
That was my reaction: The sanction clearly was for the lying, NOT the failure to protect the victims' rights.
Sure, one of the lies was about having properly communicated with the victims' family, but it was still a sanction for the lie, not the failure.
"District Attorney Larry Krasner"
Shocking - I'd never expect such behavior from him. /sarc
Krasner, Bragg, Mosby, Gardner, Gascon, Boudin, Foxx...
The laws and punishments may be the People's legislated way. But I am the Diverter in Prosecutor, and their legislation stands null at my discretion.
Agree with the Philadelphia District’ Attorney’s policy decisions or not, what authority does a federal court have to prevent a state district attorney from deciding not to further pursue a criminal case against a state prisoner?
What makes it the federal courts’ business? By what authority did the federal court challenge the district attorney’s concession decision? Since when are federal judges state prosecutors’ supervisors?
Up until sentencing the DA can drop a case for any reason or no reason. The prosecution can decline to prove its case and the defendant wins. After a conviction is final, in a collateral attack the prisoner is the plaintiff and has to prove his case.
Yes.
Some time back I checked the Pennsylvania Constitution, and there’s a pardon board which needs to sign off on any pardons the governor issues (reserving to the governor the power to grant reprieves). Nothing about DAs being able to release convicts from prison. They don’t even trust the governor to unilaterally pardon anyone, why would they trust some local hack?
Perhaps the federal judges here didn't want to cooperate with a DA in doing an end run around the PA constitution, and they thought that was what Krasner was trying to do.
They misled the judge in the course of trying to get out of the evidentiary hearing. That was never going to work out well even though it's a federal judge.
The prisoner brought a federal habeas corpus proceeding, that's why it's a federal court's business.
Those are almost always won by the State, so lying to the judge was stupid in addition to sanctionable.
Krasner could simply have told the court that because of states’ rights, the federal gubmint ain’t got no business messin’ with the state courts.
Of course, that wasn't the approach Krasner took.
The federal government not messing with state courts would have meant leaving the conviction and sentence in place.
I get it, I was using sarcasm to parody ReaderY as a states' rights guy ("what makes it the federal courts' business?")
Look, I might be wrong on this particular point. But states’ rights do go in both directions. What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander. Liberal state politicians have the same general rights to thumb their noses at conservative federal officials, judges, and policies as conservative state politicians do for liberal ones.
But I do understand your point. The difference is that here, the Philadelphia DA is attempting to use federal law to get a federal judge to intervene to overturn a state court judgement that a DA would not have the power to disturb under state law.
Sorry for the snark above.
Also, it looks like Krashole is trying to bypass his state's constitution, which provides specific methods by which the executive can let convicts out of prison. Collusive crap with the prisoner, in federal court, isn't one of the authorized methods.
On one hand, a Strickland claim is a legal determination. I see no reason why his conduct or the victims' feelings should be involved. If the prosecutor believes that the claim is valid, they have a duty to treat it as such regardless.
On the other hand, populist legislation frequently requires conferring with the victims over sentencing-related matters, even when their input is not allowed to be considered. The prosecutor has a duty to the court to be candid about such things.
For the court's part, it has every right to a full briefing on the claim and absolutely should appoint an amicus to provide an adversarial position. That the amicus uncovered a lack of candor by the prosecutor seems a natural consequence of the dishonesty.
The prosecutor should have checked in with the full set of victims if required to, or been honest about their efforts if not, and everything would have been fine.
“populist legislation”
What’s the difference between “populist legislation” and “popular legislation I disagree with”?
While victims shouldn’t be allowed to use the system to gratify any vengeful feelings, they should be presumed to have their own legitimate interests at heart – even more so than a prosecutor who is simply (no pun intended) going through the motions.
Prosecutors (with maybe some exceptions like the guy in this case) make a big deal of standing up for victims – hold them to their rhetoric by making sure they actually are cooperating with the victims as much as justice requires.
What happened to the old saying that people have the right to participate in activities which affect their lives? Have the supposed advocates of this principle come to realize that people they don’t like may want to participate?
Standing up for the little guy is a liberal principle, which should be defended by all branches of liberalism (left, right, center). Some crime victims are rich people, but many are middle class or poor and can get shafted by the system if they have no say in it.
Ken White (Popehat) has a to-the-point observation on populism: “America can survive the demagogues themselves, it’s their audience that will kill us.”
Noting Cassell's always populist approach but without otherwise speaking to the merits of this specific case, that's the genuine danger of populism. Successful populists typically lead their followers from envy to fear to anger, nearly always relying on the continuous generation of pit-of-the-stomach, emotional fears to identify a scapegoat—an other to blame for their followers' problems.
Through much of the 20th century, the scapegoats of Leftist populism (look up Cross of Gold speech) were the privileged elites of Washington and Big Business, and racial minorities or immigrants. Later 20th century Hard Right populism kept those scapegoats, while adding fear of socialism, envy/disdain of academic and scientific elites, and amplified racism/xenophobia generating fear of being numerically overwhelmed by some alien other (Great Replacement Theory).
It's taken a while, but in the 21st century under Trump, the R's completed their decades-long evolution from the three-legged stool of (Business, Social, and National Security conservatives) to a bouncing, erratic, social conservative pogo-stick of full, unreasoned, raging mob-based populism. The populists' dangerous anger and rage kept growing, especially as his followers realized his impossible promises weren't being met, culminating with January 6th—just one example of how the R's now favor populist Caudillo authoritarianism over representative democracy.
Because of the inevitable dependence on emotion versus reason, I'll never fully trust or vote for a genuine populist of whatever political persuasion.
Just because victims’ rights are popular doesn’t mean they’re irrational.
And Trump didn’t invent the idea.
Nor is this simply a right-wing plot to blah blah. Left-wingers have traditionally expressed concern about the way police and prosecutors are less than enthusiastic about prosecuting crimes against those deemed marginal to society.
The traditional right-wing focus is on middle-class or even (yes) poor crime victims, without so much rhetoric about marginalized peoples.
But the two approaches share the same concern – treating crime victims with dignity and some voice in what happens to the accused perps.
You can’t simply assume this is all irrational and populist. Or based on Trump.
It is misleading to say the family has waited 40 years for justice. He has been tried and convicted and in prison that whole time.
Was there anything else that was supposed to happen as a part of that sentence?
"A jury found Wharton guilty of two counts of first-degree murder in 1985 and returned two death sentences."
Looks like it.
39 years later, is it worth it?
It's outrageous that he was able to string out review of his sentence for almost 40 years.
But the reward for delay cannot be getting off.
“It is misleading to say the family has waited 40 years for justice. He has been tried and convicted and in prison that whole time.”
Is that your definition of “justice” here? Alternatively, would you consider a victim’s definition of “justice”? You don’t have to agree with that or act on that; you just have to hear it (and maybe see their eyes).
No? Larry…is that you?
"Norman... is that you?"
Underrated 70's flick with the good-in-everything Redd Foxx, Pearl Bailey(!), wouldn't be made today.
Frank
No, but it could be me, Martin. For 50 years I’ve opposed the death penalty in all circumstances, based neither on compassion, nor cruelty in implementation, nor a belief in the sanctity of human life. I don’t shed a tear for those executed with provably just cause.
My rationale is that capital punishment as applied in America isn’t about, as you say, "justice." It isn’t even about punishment. In America today, it is overwhelmingly about vengeance, about revenge with no true purpose beyond emotional satisfaction. It is a source of continuing, corrosive, long-term harm to our society, to all of us.
Most agree it may be necessary to ensure that at times, some people live out the rest of their lives segregated from society—as long or short as that may be. Effectively, to make certain some people who are provable threats to society die in prison.
But to do that as a society, we don’t need to purposefully kill already incarcerated people. I am proud that in 2018, my state's Supreme Court struck down our death penalty statute, writing that as applied, it violates Article I, Section 14 of the Washington constitution, because it is imposed in an arbitrary and racially biased manner while failing to serve any legitimate penological goal.
Capital punishment has no societal benefit. Simply, we can’t implement it in a just way, and we don’t have to do it. With each execution, life is cheapened. All of society is coarsened, worsened, with an impact reaching far beyond the legal system.
Over millennia, civilization advances though only with lots of starts and stops and considerable backsliding. Each state that ends the death penalty—even if only because we don’t have to do this—is a step in the advancement of justice over vengeance, and evidence of our society’s slow but continuing progress.
Here's Reason portraying Krasner last year as a champion of criminal justice reform:
https://reason.com/2023/01/21/can-larry-krasner-fix-phillys-crime-problem/
Well, he IS a champion of "criminal justice reform", and this is where I once again urge everybody to remember that, shorn of all the feel good connotations, all "reform" means is change.
Bad changes are technically 'reforms', too.
Do you think that’s the message of the linked article?
No. And that's the sort of problem I'm pointing out here.
"Reform" just means change. Reason really needs to be less gullible about 'reformers'. And mentally replacing "reform" with "change" is a good start on that.
I wonder what Cassell's view was of Barr trying to weasel around Flynn's conviction...and Sullivan trying to force the DOJ to provide a reason for voiding it.
DoJ provided a reason for it.
Try reading up on that sham persecution.
The reason was bullshit. I read their reason, and I know it was bullshit. The only "sham" about it was Mueller gave Flynn a sweetheart deal, and didn't pull it back after Flynn failed to live up to his side of the agreement. Nor did Garland.
Flynn was an unregistered foreign agent (for at least Turkey, and likely Russia, as well) and lied about on his National Security Questionnaire after being nominated for National Security Advisor. The oathbreaking POS should be in prison, not grifting with idiot conspiracy theories.
So you are cool with the 302 doctoring? The Logan Act investigation. The BS threats against his son? And recall that FARA policy before Mueller was simply to get the guy to file the paperwork, which Flynn was doing.
1) There was no "302 doctoring." That's a complete fabrication, some Sidney Powell insanity.
2) The Logan Act is an actual law, and therefore investigating whether someone broke it is valid.
3) What made the threats "BS"?
4) Flynn was prosecuted for a § 1001 violation, not FARA.
What the fuck is it about progressive DA’s that makes them think they are entitled to do the exact opposite of what they were elected to do? Somebody needs to explain to this guy and his hand-picked band of bleeding heart hippies that they aren’t defense attorneys anymore.
Funny how that Josh Kruger murder case went away (from media coverage) when it turns out there was a “Rest of the Story” (HT P. Harvey)
Frank