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Vermeule and Casey Respond to Judge Rao on Textualism's Political Morality
Further debate on textualism, "common good constitutionalism," and the classical legal method.
In March 2022, the Honorable Neomi Rao of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit delivered the Sumner Canary Memorial Lecture on "Textualism's Political Morality." The Case Western Reserve Law Review has published her lecture. It is available for download here.
Judge Rao's remarks have provoked a response from Professors Adrian Vermeule and Conor Casey, two prominent proponents of "Common Good Constitutionalism." Their response, "Judge Rao's Unintentional Surrender," has been published in "The New Digest," a "forum for short essays on law, politics, political theology, post liberalism, and the common good."
The full essay requires a subscription, but here is how it begins:
On the March 3, 2022, Judge Rao of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit gave the Sumner Canary Memorial Lecture at Case Western Reserve University, which has now been published. Her lecture, entitled Textualism's Political Morality, sets out to "explore the political morality that undergirds and informs a textualist approach to statutory interpretation" and then to contrast textualism favorably against "methods of interpretation that rely on the judge's abstract normative values about justice or fairness or that seek to update statutes in accordance with evolving social or political norms." In her opening remarks, Judge Rao says that her defense of textualism is "especially timely" given critiques advanced by what the judge refers to as a "wave of post-liberal scholars" (mentioning one of us by name) who have suggested that "laws should be interpreted to promote the 'common good.'" Judge Rao's subsequent critique of common good constitutionalism and its classical approach is anchored on the premise that its proponents think "judges should give effect to certain substantive values, values that exist independently of the law" and that "should interpret statutes in light of principles found outside the law" because "such principles will lead to 'better' results than simply following the text" (our emphases).
This is, rather trivially, not at all the classical legal position held by common good constitutionalists; the classical view has always been that background principles of legal justice are themselves internal to law. As Vermeule wrote in his recent book, the principles to which the classical tradition looks "are themselves already part of the law and internal to it." Or, as John Finnis puts it, such principles are ipso iure, meaning that they are themselves part of the law. All this is familiar and uncontested, or ought to be. H.F. Jolowicz explained long ago that for the Roman lawyers, aequitas or equity was not a "contrasting principle" to law, but a mode of interpretation within law.
But in this post, we want to do more than highlight Judge Rao's misunderstandings. If Judge Rao merely misunderstood what the classical view holds, her lecture could neatly join a crowded shelf of off-the-bench efforts at legal theory by originalist judges, which we have discussed elsewhere, and which are also crippled by a question-begging stipulation that the classical legal tradition does something other than law.
What we find more interesting, and which raises her argument to an apparently unintended form of high art, is that she then proceeds to recreate the classical view itself, seemingly without knowing that she is doing so, and under a different label. In so doing, Judge Rao has continued a recent trend, in which textualists have in effect allowed a kind of Augustan settlement of our law. Like the senators and optimates of Rome under Augustus, they have been content with retaining the outward forms and labels of the regime to which they are wedded, while ceding the operative content of the law to rule by other principles.
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It should not surprise anyone when narcissists say their personal understanding about what’s good matters more than the written laws that everyone else is trying to follow.
You may consider living constitutionalists to be narcissists, but that does not answer the question of whether living constitutionalism is good public policy. To which I answer that it gets good results at least as often as textualism or originalism do.
I think he was referring to Common Good Constitutionalists.
Eight of one, half-a-dozen of the other. They are both rowing the same boat in the same direction, more or less.
The issue with living constitutionalism isn't the merits of the policies they substitute for the actual content of the Constitution. Maybe they're genuine philosopher kings who actually know their stuff. I kind of doubt it, but suppose they were?
We still wouldn't really have a constitution anymore, we'd just have some form of oligarchy, rule by whoever gets to invent the new meaning.
The bottom line is, living constitutionalism came about as a way to circumvent the requirement that amendments be ratified by the states to take effect. It's inherently illegitimate regardless of hypothesized superiority, illegitimate on a democratic level. That's the normative argument for textualism: A noble lie is still a lie.
That said, Vermueule is right on target with this dig:
"Judge Rao has continued a recent trend, in which textualists have in effect allowed a kind of Augustan settlement of our law. Like the senators and optimates of Rome under Augustus, they have been content with retaining the outward forms and labels of the regime to which they are wedded, while ceding the operative content of the law to rule by other principles."
It's a fair burn: Originalists have been too willing to accommodate non-originalist precedents, they shrink from being consistent. This puts them in a bad position to criticize living constitutionalists who at least don't claim to use an approach to constitutional interpretation that should rightly reject those precedents.
It should not surprise anyone when narcissists say the policy they personally prefer is "good public policy".
Internal to the law, but not, like, the words in the law. Just sorta the legal aether.
Whatta misunderstanding!
Suppose there is no prohibition against post-facto law in the constitution and a state passes a statute that retroactively criminalizes a particular activity. Suppose that the government passes statutes that are entirely secret, and that guilt or innocence is determined by a flip of a coin. Suppose the legislature changes the law every other hour so that nobody actually can plan or do anything for fear of violating whatever law has been capriciously passed. Suppose the government passes a statute that calls for the eradication of marriage and that any and all children are the property of the state and will distributed to only worthy parents. Suppose the punishment for first degree murder is a gift card from Applebees.
These “laws” are all written down in WORDS and passed by a legitimate government. But they are hardly law. Why? They are not ordered toward the common good.
Reason and goodness are internal to the formation of law. If not, then all you have is might makes right.
So you think that the ex post facto clause is meaningless?
No. It is to enumerate a moral truth that everyone already knows. Writing it down is for the purpose of teaching morally malformed citizens. It is not to make it law. It already is, since it is a moral principle presupposed in any civilization of ordered liberty.
On the other hand, writing it down may teach people the lesson that it could be erased and thus lose its moral force. That’s a real risk for a textualist.
"morally malformed citizens"
This is some weird stuff we're on...
What's the chance some childish superstition underlies that comment?
I'm reminded of something that was written about how to win a debate with Milton Friedman. When Friedman says, "Let us suppose..." just say, "Let's not."
Okay then, let's imagine it's not a hypothetical.....
"Internal to the law, but not, like, the words in the law. Just sorta the legal aether."
Yeah. I mean, it's possible Vermeule puts some sensible meaning to that remark behind the paywall, but I kind of doubt it, having read some of his stuff.
The best I can say is that there's a sort of Godel's incompleteness theorem of law; It's simply impossible for the written law to be self-contained, it ALWAYS has to refer to something outside itself, something unspoken.
If just, "Yes, this law is written in English, no fair making up an invented language that looks like English but assigns different meanings to the words." Or more straightforwardly, ordinary principles like if you list items, you've excluded things you didn't list. Or that catchall clauses have to refer to things like what proceed them, not something wildly different.
So, for example, the actual text allowing for suspension of the writ of habeus corpus doesn't SAY Presidents can't do it. But it IS in article 1, not article 2, and why isn't that enough?
But that's not something "internal to" the law. It's external.
This is the rare "debate" where I think that both sides are wrong, and want them both to lose.
Perhaps the part behind the paywall is better, but all I could think of when reading this introduction is ... At no point in your rambling, incoherent response were you even close to anything that could be considered a rational thought. Everyone in this room is now dumber for having listened to it. I award you no points, and may God have mercy on your soul.
It does seem like an odd way to lure people over the paywall: "if you enjoyed those four paragraphs of throat-clearing, just imagine how much you'll like the rest of the article!" Maybe there's an interesting tie-in with The Puppy Who Lost His Way.
I don’t know… it would be interesting to me if they actually succeeded in this endeavor, which I think is at least possible…
But in this post, we want to do more than highlight Judge Rao’s misunderstandings. If Judge Rao merely misunderstood what the classical view holds, her lecture could neatly join a crowded shelf of off-the-bench efforts at legal theory by originalist judges, which we have discussed elsewhere, and which are also crippled by a question-begging stipulation that the classical legal tradition does something other than law.
What we find more interesting, and which raises her argument to an apparently unintended form of high art, is that she then proceeds to recreate the classical view itself, seemingly without knowing that she is doing so, and under a different label.
It certainly aligns with my impression of textualists (and originalists!) of late, who want to have their cake and eat it too, by finding ways to insert their personal values into the analysis. The Major Questions Doctrine and the History & Tradition test being exhibits A and B.
Today's originalists have a very unoriginal way of looking at both law and the courts' (esp. SCOTUS') role in interpretation.
Text is to be interpreted without context. Law and objective morality have nothing to do with one another. It is the job of courts and only the courts to interpret the constitution, and they are to do it undeferentially.
Bostock is the prime example. An opinion that is pure textualist without regards to the policy consequences of that interpretation are rejected by textualists who think it was an absurd reading since it couldn't have been the intended outcome of that law. In other words, they're adopting the methodology of other interpretive methods because they find textualism unsatisfactory while still claiming to be the true textualists and Gorsuch is wrong.
The priority in this case is that sweet sweet substack cash. Which means that the authors are in the entertainment business, not in the academic argument business.
"This is the rare “debate” where I think that both sides are wrong, and want them both to lose."
It's like watching a Cowboys - Giants game!
Yankees - Red Sox
Baylor-Penn State
Putin-Wagner
Ramaswamy-DeSantis
Both sides are wrong, but both sides aren't equally dangerous. Textualism isn't the end-all and be-all of legal interpretation, but it at least meaningfully constrains the law and-- REALLY importantly-- is tethered to majoritarian principles.
Whereas Vermeule and Finnis and that crowd are people who hold a bunch of extremist and authoritarian positions, especially about sex and religion, that hold something like 10% support of the public, and are objectively crazy, and are egotistical enough to claim that their crazy unpopular positions are actually the "background principles" of American law. They really need to be marginalized- they are dangers to the very concept of human freedom.
I’d say the greatest danger Vermeule and Finnis pose is to clear writing.
That said … after reading what they wrote (and how they wrote it), I can actually understand why they aren’t fans of textualism. Reading that passage actually caused physical distress.
Well if you are going to do textualism, you definitely don't want Vermeule et al to be in charge of the text.
I'll supply the popcorn.
Did the American Constitution Society (or a similar organization) plant Vermeule (and a few other clingers, some familiar to readers of this blog) on strong law faculties to dissuade mainstream schools from hiring any more movement conservatives for teaching or administrative positions?
That is such an intensely poor introduction. It drips with personal defensiveness and fails to tell us why the internal/external distinction genuinely matters. Terrible, terrible writing.
Did Vermuele really put a glaring, unambiguous typographical error (“the March” [sic]”) in the very first sentence of his essay? Or is that just a transcription error in the original post?
Only paid subscribers to this obscure subscription-only rag “The New Digest” know for sure.
You don’t need a subscription to read that sentence, and it does in fact contain the error you note.
Only the subscribers know whether the same level of writing continues.
Query whether this is this one step up from drunkblogging, or one step down.
This is, rather trivially, not at all the classical legal position held by common good constitutionalists; the classical view has always been that background principles of legal justice are themselves internal to law.
What nonsense. So Vermeule argues that his beliefs are part of the law, whether anyone but him knows it or not.
The problem with this view is not that it is true or false, but that, if true, it is useless. The only plausible way to make it true is to translate it roughly as follows: "Certain widely-held and substantially uncontroversial general notions of justice are so obvious that one can assume that they are built into particular laws -- unless they are inconsistent with the text -- because to articulate them specifically in a particular law would be silly." Note that the principles can't just be the private principles of the judge or commentator; they must be nearly universally accepted. And that while it is a generally valid presumption that the specific law incorporates some general principles of justice, and should, where possible, be interpreted accordingly, it is only a presumption, which can be overcome by a clearly and explicitly "unjust" law.
It's not totally useless from an originalist standpoint, because the question wouldn't be whether they ARE widely held and uncontroversial, but instead whether they WERE widely held and uncontroversial.
So the later clearly and explicitly unjust law according to the concept of justice prevailing at ratification would violate the principle incorporated at ratification, on the assumption that it, just like the text, has fixity.
You're assuming that there was an original consensus that courts should presumptively apply not ideas of justice that are widely held and uncontroversial at the time the question is litigated, but that the widely-held and uncontroversial ideas of justice prevailing in 1798 are supposed to be the eternal measure. I don't believe there was any such original consensus. Very likely the question didn't come up. Probably because anything widely-held and uncontroversial then was so broad and unspecific that it could cover any then-imaginable changes.
But even granting your first point, it simply does not follow that a court can ignore or refuse to apply a clearly and explicitly unjust law that leaves no wiggle room for background principles of justice -- however defined -- to operate.
So a judge decries other judges using their feelings as to what a law means as opposed to what it says. So this guy says that she's wrong because what she feels his movement is about is an incorrect interpretation?
Got it.