The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
What I Hope to Learn from Justice Stevens' Papers on Kelo v. City of New London
The author of one of the Supreme Court's most widely hated rulings left us extensive files on the case, which have just been made public. They could help shed light on key unanswered questions about.

Yesterday, the late Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens' papers from the start of his career through 2005 were made public by the Library of Congress (see here for the official guide to this archive). One of the cases decided in 2005 was Kelo v. City of New London, the hugely controversial Takings Clause property rights decision in which Stevens wrote the majority opinion for a closely divided 5-4 Court. The Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment says the government only take private property for a "public use." In Kelo, a narrow 5-4 Supreme Court majority ruled that almost any potential public benefit qualifies as "public use," thereby permitting the City of New London to take fifteen residential properties for purposes of transfer to a new private owner in order to increase "economic development." The ruling had a big impact on debates over takings law (both in the United States and around the world), and generated a massive political reaction. Over 80% of the public opposed the decision, and 45 states passed new eminent domain reform laws.
It turns out that the Stevens papers contain four large folders of material about Kelo! Within the next 24 hours, copies of these files will be in my possession, and I hope they will shed light on a number of unanswered questions about the case. Having written a book about Kelo, I have an obvious interest in these issues. But they are also likely to be of interest to other scholars, people interested in property rights issues, and others.
We actually already know a lot about Justice Stevens' thinking about Kelo, because he spoke and wrote about the subject extensively after he retired from Supreme Court in 2010. In a 2011 speech about the case and in his memoirs, published in 2019, Stevens admitted he had made a "somewhat embarrassing to acknowledge" error in his majority opinion, by misinterpreting precedent. He generously cited me as a "scholarly commentator" who "caught this issue shortly after we decided Kelo," in an article I published in 2007. But Stevens continued to believe he got the result right, albeit for reasons very different from the rationale outlined in his majority opinion.
Despite these revelations, there are still a number of unanswered questions about the case that the Stevens papers may illuminate. Here are some things I hope to learn:
1. The ruling was a close 5-4 decision, with Justice Anthony Kennedy - the key swing voter - writing a hard-to-interpret concurring opinion. Was there ever any chance the case could go the other way? Did Kennedy flip at some point?
2. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote the lead dissenting opinion, in which she forcefully criticized the majority and argued that the ruling placed all private property potentially at risk. O'Connor's Kelo dissent is historically important because it played a big role in breaking the seeming consensus in favor of a broad interpretation of "public use." Her endorsement of a relatively narrow definition of "public use" that excludes private "economic development" takings is at odds with her opinion for the Court in Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff (1984), where she states that the public use requirement can be met so long as the government's objective in condemning property is "rationally related to a conceivable public purpose." In her Kelo dissent, O'Connor dismissed this passage from Midkiff as just "errant" language. But legal scholar Ben Barros has shown (using judicial papers from the time) that the justices were well aware of the implications of this ultra-permissive standard.
Clearly, something changed in O'Connor's thinking about public use between 1984 and 2005. Perhaps the Stevens papers will tell us what it was. When I was writing my book about Kelo, I asked to interview Justice O'Connor about her role in the case. But she politely declined.
3. Stevens later wrote that Kelo was "the most unpopular opinion that I wrote during my more than thirty-four years on the Supreme Court. Indeed, I think it is the most unpopular opinion that any member of the Court wrote during that period." Did any of the justices anticipate the massive political reaction to the case? Did it influence the decision in any way?
4. Justice Antonin Scalia, the Court's leading advocate of originalism at the time, joined Justice O'Connor's mostly non-originalist dissent, but did not join Justice Clarence Thomas's much more originalist (and in my view much stronger) dissenting opinion. Why not?
5. Kelo remains highly controversial to this day. At least four current Supreme Court justices have expressed interest in revisiting and perhaps overruling it. I too would be happy to see Kelo reversed. Is there anything in the Stevens files that might strengthen the argument for doing so? Conversely, is there anything there that might strengthen the argument for leaving Kelo in place?
I suspect the answer to both questions is probably "no." Stevens has already helped the anti-Kelo cause tremendously by admitting he made a significant error in his majority opinion. The strengths and weaknesses of the decision are evident from the published opinions. But I could be surprised on this score.
The above is far from an exhaustive list of what might be learned about Kelo from Stevens' papers. It's just a few of the most important questions that occur to me, as a longtime student of the case. There could be revelations on other topics, too!
As soon as I have had a chance to review the files, I will summarize my findings, and post the summary right here on the Volokh Conspiracy blog, hosted by Reason. If the revelations are important enough, I will also write a longer academic article about the subject, or even a new edition of my book. Stay tuned!
UPDATE: I have now read the Stevens papers and summarized the key revelations here.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Abortion decisions may generate more angry argument, but you don't have 80% of the public on one side like Kelo.
"Booo! If there's one thing we love more than the poor, it's money for government to spend! This is publicking the private sector!"
"But you whine about private profits and public costs, screetching the private enterprise is no benefit."
"Shut up!" he explained.
Doh! This was intended for the end. This chimpanzee system keeps jumping around.
“Over 80% of the public opposed the decision, and 45 states passed new eminent domain reform laws.”
Most of which were deliberately crippled, because a disproportionately large fraction of the other 20% work in government. So the goal was usually just to humor the voters while not actually changing much.
I find it hard to believe that 80% had any opinion that wasn't gleaned from either the polling question or campaigns opposing eminent domain. Many ballot questions following onto this garnered majorities but not 80%.
It's easy to say "eminent domain should never be used for corrupt purposes" but hard to enforce. Do you let one recalcitrant owner block any public infrastructure forever?
If you trust the free market, then it should be possible to establish a fair market value, so just compensation will have been given. But in a blighted area, owners would like to hold onto their property and get higher market values later when public works un-blight it, and not get the lower market value that property in a blighted area commands.
Surely the objection is that the property isn't being used for public infrastructure?
In this case, that seems fairly clear. But there's no easy test.
What if the city continues to own the development, but it's mostly there to advantage a private interest? E.g., eminent domain on a bunch of houses to build a stadium that will only be used for privately owned sports teams. What if they planned to build a public building, but reconsidered after eminent domain to obtain the land, and then sold it to a private interest (at the same market value)?
An absolute prohibition on eminent domain will probably be popular in these comments, where so many are interested in proving that government doesn't work by not letting it do anything (which is most of the Republican agenda).
Flipside - do you let one recalcitrant local government tear down peoples' properties willy-nilly?
One of the major problems with adhering to precedent is it slowly allows morphing the plain meaning of the constitution into something the constitution specifically bans.
5A "....without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation."
5A becomes "....without due process of law; and private property may be taken for public use, without just compensation."
Same morphing with 14A - banning discrimination by race is now unconstitutional because the court has allowed affirmative action as constitutional.
correction – 5A becomes / morphs into “….without due process of law; and private property may be taken for someone else’s private use, without just compensation.”
Kelo, Chevron, the Magna Carta morphed into “deference” for our bettors. Thomas Payne and Robert Louis Stevenson, intellectually gifted, profaned by authority and the media as subversives, are worth careful reading. It is painful given the hundreds of years we have turned away from truth.
Kelo in the hierarchy:
1. ideology
2. personal feelings
3. precedent
4. what the constitution or the law actually says
Kelo wasn't a hard ideological case, although ideology played a part, those wanting more governmental authority.
It was mostly decided on how the majority felt. Kennedy, as usual, was precisely guided by his own personal feelings.
That Stevens acknowledges an error in stated precedent, but says he still got it right, shows the insight. The precedent was subservient to how Stevens felt about the question, and was only cited to gain credibility. Stevens' vote was never in question.
Thomas, in dissent, was as usual the only justice who felt compelled to read and follow the constitution.
DW Self - "Thomas, in dissent, was as usual the only justice who felt compelled to read and follow the constitution."
That was my point in the morphing by adhering to precedent. Eventually, the precedent what is barred by the constitution becomes allowed by the constitution
Gamble & Kelo were correctly decided based on precedent, yet barred by the plain meaning of the constitution
Gamble & Kelo were correctly decided based on precedent, yet barred by the plain meaning of the constitution
That's how things come out when they were really decided on personal feelings.
I think Kelo is a bad case, but your analysis here could as easily be applied in reverse to those here spinning theories about the trike rulers of the US, and claiming they are speaking for the Constitution.
Make arguments. Calling everyone who disagrees with you ideologues and you the one who sees the truth is not an argument, it’s virtue signaling.
What if everyone except Thomas is an ideologue. What if even Thomas is an ideologue? How would it look any different from what we see?
They are _all_ ideologues. I'm not sure why seeing this is important, but it definitely makes our analysis fit the curves a lot more smoothly.
Looking forward to seeing what light Justice Stevens' papers shed on Kelo. I hope you post your findings here in detail.
One interesting revelation – Scalia wrote a dissent! And, it’s a banger:
And when the organized minority ARE the government, that's doubly true. It's virtually impossible for the voters to genuinely reverse a policy that implicates the interests of the government, voting only can apply so much leverage absent ballot and initiative, which we don't have at the federal level.
Well, you're right that, just as an organizational matter, oligarchy is largely unavoidable: Large groups are simply incapable of coordinated action without hierarchy. This, of course, doesn't speak to how much of their action actually NEEDS to be coordinated, which is a lot less than the sort of control freaks attracted to government like to think.
But that the oligarchy would be largely in unanimity, and in systematic disagreement with the general population, that's not automatic.
Our problem here in America is that things haven't been disrupted in a long time, and the incumbent players have managed to rig the system enough to become a largely self-perpetuating, distinct political class. If anybody from outside that class starts to advance up the ladder, and doesn't fall into line with the positions of the oligarchs, they beat them back, or severely undercut them while they're temporarily holding positions of nominal power.
The GOP has a special problem, distinct from this: The Democrats held unchallenged power for so long during the 20th century that nobody could get anything done at the federal level without sucking up to them. So the federal GOP ended up with a sort of institutional Stockholm syndrome, a whole generation of Republican officeholders could only get ahead if they were on good terms with the Democratic party.
And they've been VERY tenacious about not letting go now that it isn't true anymore.
5A requires "just Compensation" not some compensation.
A common problem with condemnations is compensation is based on current use and not highest and best use.
We notice you frequently attack the person instead of merits of the statement. Seems to be a common theme. Becoming educated on a variety of common topics is not that difficult. Progressives should try it in lieu of letting ideology impede development of critical thinking.
It was a taking for a non-public purpose. The existence or level of compensation doesn’t enter into it.
They weren't following stare decisis.
They were ruling based on how they felt the case should be decided, but citing stare decisis.
Queen - as others have pointed out - following stare decisis allows the court to turn away from the constitution.
Yes Kelo was decided correctly based on stare decisis. Yet there is absolutely nothing in the constitution that allows the taking of private property for private use which is exactly what kelo allowed based on precedent.
There is no question that Kelo was wrongly decided based on the plain meaning of 5A
Again attacking the person instead of demonstrating sufficient grasp of the topic to address the merits.
Developing a base understanding of most topics is not difficult.
Queen almathea 46 mins ago Flag Comment Mute User We, is that the royal we?
“Complex things are complex. Untrained people who claim to understand complex issues contrarily to how those who spend much more disciplined time studying them are, as a matter of informal logic, suspect in their conclusions.”
Queen - We do have to agree that those topics are complex – at least for those that work in social science. Thus we can understand your objection.
However for those that work in the hard science, complexity - not so much, Typically fairly easy to understand basics and a little education goes a long way.
two separate subjects in 5A taking for private property must be for public use
just compensation means FMV.
A common problem in condemnations is payment is less than FMV.
Please make an effort to understand the subject matter along with the statements being made before commenting.
The issue with Kelo was not just compensation; That went to the amount paid for the house.
It was whether handing the house over to another private owner was a "public use"; It went to whether the taking was permissible in the first place, and never mind the amount of compensation.
That said, "fair market value" is an obnoxious counter-factual, it's always lower than real market value, or you wouldn't need to use eminent domain!
That's our Queenie, Social Science Jackass!
Go ahead, make a remark about N-words raping my mom. My mom, who probably helped more N-word babies in one month on the OB floor (yes, I've heard all the "Floor" OB jokes) than the (Very Wrong) Al Sharpton (who used to be the "Anti-Semetic/Homo-fobe" "Reverend" Sharpton, why does he get a pass??
And even I passed gas during one of (Dr, real one) Senator Rand Paul's missionary trips to Haiti a few years back, you know how many Haitians asked what Ophthalmology Board he was certified by? Null!! (That's Haitian for "Zippy")
Frank
Queen, you’re deliberately ignoring something that is an indisputable widely reported fact, fresh from this week.
Stare Decisis?? Good, so lets go back to Plessy v Ferguson, pick my Cotton Bee-Otch!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Frank
Precedent is like dead reconning: The longer you do it, the further your extrapolated position drifts from your actual position. You're basically doing a gradual Drunkard's walk away from original meaning.
Just as dead reconning benefits from an occasional sighting to measure your real position and speed, precedent benefits from periodically being corrected by reference to the actual Constitution.
But that requires the actual Constitution to take precedence over precedent!
Doesn’t matter if they were in line with precedent or not.
What mattered in the decision is what they thought about the question presented by Kelo.
Rule first. Explain reasoning second.
If one precedent wouldn't have worked, another would have. If all precedent would have been downright ridiculous, they'd have come up with a kaleidoscope interpretation of the constitution.
Kelo supporting Justice Suter seemed to take it "personally" when his own property was targeted*. (oooh, bad word in todays environment)
* see "Lost Liberty Hotel"
Frank "Nice little house you have here, be a shame if someone was to take it"
The basis for saying that it was made on personal feelings and ideology, was that when he determined that his reasoning for arriving at the ruling was wrong, he didn’t admit he’d ruled wrongly, he just went off and found another basis for arriving at the same conclusion.
He was starting from the conclusion and reasoning backwards to the justification, IOW.
As previously stated, following precedent allows the court to morph the meaning of the constitution.
Queen - your arguments follow the same type pattern. you misrepresent every prior statement to claim you are correct. You might actually try to address the specific prior statement. It would substantially reduce your error rate. Though the most likely cause is you dont grasp the basics of the subject matter and thus make those frequent misrepresentations.
Queen almathea directly addressed the (lack of) merits of the statement, by observing that Kelo does not have anything to say about what amount of compensation is appropriate.
Concur.
That was my statement – I wasnt addressing the just compensation issue in kelo, only noting that it is a common problem in condemnation. Many of the condemnations I have been involved with, the compensation has been based on current use instead of highest and best use (a common example being : family farm value based on usage as farm instead of real estate development as city encroaches on family farm).
That also addresses another common problem with queens responses. He only understands bits an pieces of the subject matter, thus displays an inability to respond to the specific statements
Holy fucking shit. It’s all over the news but either your lazy ass doesn’t want to bother to look it up or you just don’t want to acknowledge fact.
https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2023/05/03/us/new-york-natural-gas-ban-climate/index.html
They’re jacking up the cost of living on their citizens, as are the feds on all of us, because of an unjustified panic that they’ve created.
LOL. Yeah, I knew this would go like this.
It only benefits the oligarchy because the oligarchy is rich, and they can afford much higher energy costs.
You're arguing in bad faith. Do better.
I’ve observed , at least peripherally, a handful of condemnations (I.e. takings) and compensation is pretty much like any other business deal. Forced or not, the seller always wants more and the buyer always wants to pay less.
Is that before or after your virology lab work?
Bevis - one egregious condemnations that I am familiar with is the Dallas Cowboy stadium. Compensation was based on value of single family dwelling instead of the highest and best use which was the football stadium. The homes were purchased for the FMV as homes (approx $120k plus $10k ) for moving costs, where as the value of the lot was closer to $175k - $200k for use as the football stadium. Somewhat similar fact pattern with many of the sports stadiums.
That should clarify my point on "just compensation"
We are saying the same thing regarding compensation. The condemning entity, especially if it’s the government, has all the leverage.
Seriously? You’re asking him to prove how cheap dependable energy benefits poor/middle class normies more than it does rich people who don’t really give a shit what their energy costs.
It keeps the power on for poor and middle class people. It doesn’t make any difference to the elites.
Now let’s discuss how 1+1=2.
The median age of Senators, (Where the problem is worst.) is 64, but Mich McConnell is 81, he was born before WWII.
Except for 4 isolated years, Democrats were in total control of Congress between 1934 and 1982. Republicans didn't win both chambers at the same time until the '94 election.
So, yeah, most of these clowns spent their formative years in a country where Democrats had unchallenged control of Congress.
Noscitur a sociis 15 hours ago
Flag Comment Mute User
"Queen almathea directly addressed the (lack of) merits of the statement, by observing that Kelo does not have anything to say about what amount of compensation is appropriate."
Queen didnt directly address the point being made regarding just compensation , and his response highlights his inability to follow and/or focus and thus respond correctly to the specific statement.
the statement made was that a common problem with condemnations is just compensation is most often based on current use instead of highest and best use which is the proper method of computing FMV.
Secondly, its rare that just compensation is not an issue in a condemnation proceedings. I dont have access to the trial court record so its difficult to ascertain how large of an issue compensation was in the kelo case.
Third, the SC often limits the question raised to a single issue which is what the SC did in Kelo, (and what the CT SC did). So while compensation may have been a significant issue, the SC grant was limited to the public use issue.
Come on, already, I directly linked to the graphic demonstrating that wasn't true! 8 Democratic Presidential terms from 34 to 82, to 4 Republican. Stretch it out to '94, and it's still 8.5 to 7. The Democrats were totally in control the majority of that time.
Again, long stretch during the formulative years for Republican leadership, when if you wanted to get anything done in Congress, (Say pork for your constituents...) you had to get the Democrats to agree to it. That left it's mark on the federal Republican party, which they're only now starting to shake off as the people who got their start in that period age out.
But of course the parties weren't ideologically sorted then, so it didn't mean the same thing it does now. There are currently zero Republicans to the left of any Democrat (and, obviously, zero Democrats to the right of any Republican). In the time period you're discussing, that wasn't true at all. While the GOP was overall more conservative, there were tons of conservative Dems and liberal Republicans.
I mean, that's nearly a tautology, since the only two arguments one can even theoretically raise are (a) the taking shouldn't happen; or (b) the property owner should get more. And Kelo essentially forecloses the first argument.
It wasn't. Kelo (and some of her neighbors) sued for an injunction to stop the takings.
20 - 30 condemnations over my career