The Volokh Conspiracy
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Arguments for Standing in the Student Loan Cases
A few thoughts on the states' brief and their amici
Last month co-blogger Sam Bray and I filed an amicus brief arguing that the states did not have standing to challenge the Biden administration's unlawful student loan forgiveness program. (Previous post here.) The bottom-side briefs are now in and of course they disagree with us on that.
The brief of the state respondents is interesting for a couple reasons:
First, the brief does not even cite Massachusetts v. EPA, and does not explicitly argue for any kind of "special solicitude" for state claims of standing. Instead, the brief focuses primarily on one specific theory of standing -- that the state of Missouri has standing because of an injury to MOHELA, a quasi-governmental entity that services student loans. This is the least indefensible theory of standing in the case, and it's heartening to see analysis focus on that theory rather than exacerbating the broader trend.
Second, that said, I am still not convinced the state should have standing to sue because MOHELA is injured. The states cite various cases about the relationships between government-created corporations and the government, but one thing I did not see in tracking down all of their citations is a case directly on point: a Supreme Court case where the government had standing to sue based on injuries to a separate party that could sue-and-be-sued on its own. Maybe I missed it, but some of the quirky precedents about the Reconstruction Finance Corporation and such didn't quite seem to do that.
Third, on the other hand, there is a more fundamental example that the state briefs didn't discuss. Shortly after the founding, the United States created a corporation called the Bank of the United States, famously discussed in McCulloch v. Maryland etc. In a series of famous cases about federal jurisdiction, the Supreme Court distinguished between the government's power to sue and the bank's power to sue. Here is Chief Justice Marshall's opinion of the Court in Bank of the U.S. v. Planter' Bank of Georgia:
The State of Georgia, by giving to the Bank the capacity to sue and be sued, voluntarily strips itself of its sovereign character, so far as respects the transactions of the Bank, and waives all the privileges of that character. As a member of a corporation, a government never exercises its sovereignty. It acts merely as a corporator, and exercises no other power in the management of the affairs of the corporation, than are expressly given by the incorporating act.
The government of the Union held shares in the old Bank of the United States; but the privileges of the government were not imparted by that circumstance to the Bank. The United States was not a party to suits brought by or against the Bank in the sense of the constitution. So with respect to the present Bank. Suits brought by or against it are not understood to be brought by or against the United States. The government, by becoming a corporator, lays down its sovereignty, so far as respects the transactions of the corporation, and exercises no power or privilege which is not derived from the charter.
This is why our amicus brief focused on the specific status of MOHELA such as its ability to sue and be sued, which seems to place it on all fours with the Founding Era banks.
The states' brief does cite a more modern case called Lebron, which distinguished Planters Bank, but in part on the grounds that the "obligations of government" (i.e., the state action doctrine) raise different questions than the "privileges of government" (i.e. the ability to sue and be sued):
Respondent appeals to statements this Court made in a case involving the second Bank of the United States, Bank of United States v. Planters' Bank of Georgia, 9 Wheat. 904 (1824). There we allowed the Planters' Bank, in which the State of Georgia held a noncontrolling interest, see Act of Dec. 19, 1810, §1, reprinted in Digest of Laws of State of Georgia 34-35 (O. Prince ed. 1822); Act of Dec. 3, 1811, §1, id., at 35, to be sued in federal court despite the Eleventh Amendment, reasoning that "[t]he State does not, by becoming a corporator, identify itself with the corporation," id., at 907. "The government of the Union," we said, "held shares in the old Bank of the United States; but the privileges of the government were not imparted by that circumstance to the Bank. The United States was not a party to suits brought by or against the Bank in the sense of the constitution." Id., at 908. But it does not contradict those statements to hold that a corporation is an agency of the Government, for purposes of the constitutional obligations of Government rather than the "privileges of the government," when the state has specifically created that corporation for the furtherance of governmental objectives, and not merely holds some shares but controls the operation of the corporation through its appointees.
So I am still not convinced that the invocation of MOHELA really solves the fundamental problem here. But I am pleased to see the briefing focus on that, and I hope the Court does too.
Additionally, several amicus briefs also back up the states on standing. Most emphatically, there is this brief by the Empire Center (with Misha Tseytlin, former Wisconsin SG, as counsel of record). My favorite heading is "The Approach That Certain Amici Urge Would Lead To A Separation-Of-Powers Calamity With No Justification In Article III's Text, Structure, Or Original Public Meaning." There is also a 17-state amicus brief which does argue (unlike the respondent states) that states should get special solicitude in the standing analysis. Finally, there is an amicus brief from the Liberty Justice Center that relies heavily on a 1935 case called Hopkins Federal Savings and Loan v. Cleary. Hopkins contains this line: "there are many situations where no one other than the state will be held to be aggrieved, with the result that capacity to sue is either there or nowhere." This echoes the proper-party analysis we propose in our brief. Finally, there is this brief by Professor Jed Shugerman, opposing the administration both standing and the merits, which I find especially admirable for being willing to argue against partisan fashion.
Finally, there are many interesting amicus briefs supporting respondents on the merits, which I think make many good points. Especially notable is this brief by Michael McConnell and others.
Co-host Dan Epps and I will likely talk more about this case in an episode of our podcast next week, and I'll try to link to that when we do.
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Wow. What a full plate of posts today.
The question of whether a state can or cannot sue on behalf of a state corporation would appear to be a question of state law, and hence a US Supreme Court decision, even a hoary John Marshall opinion, may not apply. That decision, after all, was a decision about the federal law of federal government corporations, the powers Congress conferred. State law about state government corporations, the powers the state legislature conferred, might be different. And state law would appear to control. The US Supreme Court cannot provide an authoratative answer to this question.
I think that Massachussetts v. EPA would not apply here in any event. That case involved a state suing in parens patriae, asserting an interest in the welfare of its citizens. That is a specifically soveriegn interest. In this case, the interests Missouri is attempting to assert on behalf of MOHELA are ordinary business interests, interests in collecting fees, that are no different from the kinds of interests a private party would assert. The special solicitude for sovereign states acting in a specifically sovereign capacity articulated in Massachussetts v. EPA therefore does not apply to this case.
I think there are limits to tail-wagging-the-dog standing. MOHELA is entitled to sue for fees, and Missouri might be entitled to do so on its behalf. But is it entitled to sue to cancel the program?
Does a private prison corporation have standing to overturn a reduction of a prison sentence because that would reduce its fees? Does a manufacturer of execution drugs have standing to reinstate an allegedly invalidly overturned death sentence because it would result in reducing its fees? Can police officers sue to block lenient enforcement policies or claim a repeal of a a criminal statute was invalid because that will reduce their overtime? “Tail wagging the dog” situations in which receipt of a small amount of fees gives business interests standing, not just to collect their fees, but to overturn major policies wholesale, seem ripe for abuse and tending to turn courts into forums for disputes by parties with very little real interest in the overall outcome.
OTOH, the underlying problem is that SCOTUS pretends not to see the dog i.e., the Executive branch spending $400 billion w/o Congressional appropriation.
If there is no possible plaintiff here, then what is the next response? Wait 2-6 years to get a supermajority in both houses to override a veto + pass some bill and hope that the Exectutive doesn't ignore it (still no plaintiff, LOL) + hope that SCOTUS doesn't block that bill on the grounds of reliance interests??
ReaderY
Reminds of soutors opinion in a 4A case (maine as I recall) where he based his opinon on applicable state law thereby concluding that the police did have valid permission to search, yet he seemed to screw up the interpretation of the applicable state law .
I think this may be conflating a standing Q with a remedies Q.
One of the things that’s struck me from the get-go is that the injury alleged is purely fiscal; monetary damages should be sufficient to make MOHELA (and Missouri) whole if the Feds are found liable. That’s not the stuff nationwide injunctions are supposed to be made of, even if you assume both standing and liability in the Plaintiff’s favor.
It isn't the stuff any form of equity is made of if an adequate remedy is available at law.
Why presume the definition of sovereignty that applies to the fed government is the same as applies to the States?
I don't think the cases you are citing are quite saying what you want them to say. It seems to me the state acts, in a situation like this, like a holding company that has a wholly owned subsidiary. The wholly owned subsidiary is harmed, can the holding company sue for the harm caused to the subsidiary it owns? I think the answer is yes, to the extent it can show harm to its self through the subsidiary. The revenues of the holding company could easily be harmed because of harm to the subsidiary's revenues. To the extent that the state can show that (for instance having to direct more state general fund money to the state owned enterprise), that would be direct harm to the state.
The cases you cite however merely say that the state owned enterprise cannot invoke sovereign immunity or other such special government only defenses. And that the state-owned enterprise is a separate legal entity. Both of those are 100% accurate statements, just like saying the wholly owned subsidiary and the holding company are separate legal entities. That doesn't resolve the claim as to if harms to the wholly-owned subsidiary can also cause harm to the parent company. To the extent that financial harms are caused to the subsidiary, it doesn't seem like much of a stretch that such harms also harm the parent company in most cases.
As I see it the problem with your first paragraph analysis is it’s based on a flawed premise. The state may arguably be *like* a holding company, but the state is *not* a holding company.
So who do you think owns the shares of MOHELA? As far as I know, that is the state.
Gonna be a good podcast.
I think the real issue with the standing fight is that the party asserting standing has to be able to make a claim that it has the right to impose on the federal government the requirement that it hold the borrower to the bargain. Otherwise, it's just a sham. Yes, there is injury in the cosmic sense, but that's not enough--the injury has to be something that is caused by a violation of your legal rights.
If “standing” is to be so narrowly construed that no one, private or state, has any standing to sue the federal government for giving out $500 billion in taxpayer money without legal basis, then the entire doctrine needs to be scrapped.
The purpose of standing is to preserve bureaucracy and preserving outcomes that were made in the "right way" even if they are not in the interest of justice, fairness, or truth.
That's why the SCOTUS reaffirmed last year that being innocent is not sufficient basis for a conviction to be overturned.
I want to see taxpayer standing, but you need a workable rule that doesn't have every little government action challenged by a lawsuit.
In my state ten taxpayers can sue to restrain illegal expenditures by a town.
That's not the problem; the problem is every little government action challenged by 10 lawsuits, or ten thousand lawsuits, or ten million lawsuits. And the government would have to win each and every one of those suits.
That means, practically speaking, the government wouldn't be able to do anything. That's not a problem.
Can anyone explain to me in words of one syllable the logic behind denying standing to any taxpayer when money is spent or government assets dissipated, arguably illegitimately?
I know that there's a Supreme Court decision that says that. I would like a summary description of what the logic is.
-dk
From Justice O'Conner in Allen v. Wright, quoting a Bork concurrence in an appellate case:
"All of the doctrines that cluster about Article III -- not only standing but mootness, ripeness, political question, and the like -- relate in part, and in different though overlapping ways, to an idea, which is more than an intuition but less than a rigorous and explicit theory, about the constitutional and prudential limits to the powers of an unelected, unrepresentative judiciary in our kind of government."
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