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Is "Necessary and Proper" a Hendiadys? Responding to Calabresi, Kostial, and Lawson
Like the Dude, McCulloch v. Maryland abides. Steve Calabresi, Elise Kostiel, and Gary Lawson have a new paper called "What McCulloch v. Maryland Got Wrong: The Original Meaning of 'Necessary' Is Not 'Useful,' 'Convenient,' or 'Rational.'" Anyone interested in McCulloch should read their article, but I want to keep the conversation going about whether "necessary and proper" is a hendiadys. That's a claim I advanced in "Necessary AND Proper" and "Cruel AND Unusual": Hendiadys in the Constitution. A hendiadys occurs when two words, separated by a conjunction, are used as a single unit of meaning (with each contributing something distinctive--not mere repetition).
In text, the authors suggest that my argument is opposed to Chief Justice Marshall's, because he treats each term as having "independent significance," while if the phrase is a hendiadys that would not be true. (I'm not sure Chief Justice Marshall actually argues that, but let's leave that aside for now.) The authors then drop this footnote:
An assessment of Professor Bray's argument is beyond the scope of this article. But because the argument, if correct, calls into question the lifetime project of one of us to ascertain the original meaning of "proper," see Lawson & Seidman, supra note 36, Lawson, supra note 9; Lawson & Granger, supra note 23, and because a number of modern Supreme Court decisions have attached distinct significance to the word "proper," see National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519, 559 (2012); Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898, 923-24 (1997); a few comments are appropriate. First, most of the many examples of hendiadys that Professor Bray provides, see Bray, supra note 139, at 696-706, are drawn from literature or colloquial speech. Legal documents in general and the Constitution in particular are neither of those things. See John O. McGinnis & Michael B. Rappaport, The Constitution and the Language of the Law, 59 WM. & MARY L. REV. 1321 (2018), Just as one would be more likely to look for metaphors in a poem than in a power of attorney (and probably more likely to look for technical words of art in the latter than in the former), perhaps it makes more sense to look for a hendiadys in a play or lunchtime conversation than in a formal legal document. Second, intratextually, the terms "necessary" and "proper" show up in other constitutional clauses, sometimes singly and sometimes in combination with other terms (e.g., "absolutely necessary"), which seems to cut in favor of assigning meaning to each. Third, and finally, even if Professor Bray is ultimately right, the hendiadys label only has bite if the unitary meaning of "necessary and proper" refers only to causal means-ends connection. That is surely not right. Once one identifies the Necessary and Proper Clause as an incidental powers clause, then the central question becomes which interpretative principles flow from that identification. If there was an established set of background rules for interpreting incidental powers clauses in agency instruments in the eighteenth century (and there was), and if the phrase "necessary and proper" was a commonly-used phrase in agency law at that time (and it was), and if all of the above would have been well known to the four agency lawyers and the agency-employing businessman on the Committee of Detail that drafted the clause (and it would have been), then it probably does not matter whether one parses "necessary" and "proper" in sequence to yield those interpretative principles or if one simply takes the phrase as a hendiadys that represents those principles. The principles are the principles. And if those principles went beyond a straightforward means-ends relationship and instead incorporate agency-law ideas such as a fiduciary duty of care, a duty of loyalty and a requirement not to exceed the scope of the granted agency (and they did), then little of consequence turns on whether one classifies the clause as a hendiadys or treats "necessary" and "proper" as distinct component parts of a set of fiduciary principles. In other words, perhaps we are dealing not so much with a hendiadys, in the literary sense of that term, as with a legal term of art.
There are three different arguments here, and I'll give the briefest of responses with pointers for anyone who wants to read more.
The first argument is that we shouldn't expect a figure of speech like hendiadys to appear in a legal document. I agree that a play, to give a form of expression the authors mention, is more likely to have a hendiadys (at least if Shakespeare is writing it). But all kinds of formal texts use this figure of speech (and others), not as a way to show off, but as a way to communicate. I give other examples of hendiadys in legal texts, ancient and modern, at pages 700-701 of Hendiadys in the Constitution. Among the examples in U.S. law are "open and notorious," "arbitrary and capricious," and "cruel and unusual."
The second argument is that "necessary" and "proper" show up in other places in the Constitution separately. But I don't see why this would negate an argument they are used in one place as a hendiadys. Every word in a hendiadys is used independently somewhere.
The third argument is that the hendiadic reading of "necessary and proper" matters only if the phrase is about causality (means-end connection) and not about incidental powers. This is an odd response, since I expressly argue that the phrase is about incidental powers. I never argue it is only about causation, and I'm not sure why my argument would not matter if it is about incidental powers. But note that the authors equate the idea that the Necessary and Proper Clause authorizes incidental powers with the idea that it imparts a fiduciary duty of care. I do not agree with that equation, and for readers who want to read at length why the U.S. Constitution does not establish legally enforceable fiduciary duties for government actors, you can see Against Fiduciary Constitutionalism (with Paul Miller).
I'm sure this short post will not be the last word on McCulloch and hendiadys, but my aim is to highlight the authors' response to the hendiadic reading and encourage readers of the Volokh Conspiracy to dig into these questions.
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I appreciate the discussion of “necessary and proper”. However, if I had my time machine, I probably would have suggested the addition of the word “both” before “necessary and proper”.
The fact that this question is still discussed means the language is open to interpretation and like every government in the history of man, it’s interpretation will ALWAYS the the one that is less restrictive of the government.
In fact, adding the word “both” is just one thing I would have done with that clause. I would have written it thusly:
“…to make all laws which shall be both necessary and proper for carrying into execution only the foregoing enumerated powers, and all other enumerated powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.”
Lawyer sound and fury, signifying nothing. Those are all Yale scumbags. Just ignore them.
I confess this entire concept is way beyond me; IANAL, and don't even have a modicum of quibbling power, let alone the super power of making everything about procedure.
But this "both" business confuses me. Just from a grammar point of view, "A and B" already means "both A and B"; the only alternative would be "A or B". What makes you think "both" adds any meaning that "and" doesn't already include?
If they are independent, power hungry corruptions expanding their power will argue this or that thing is ok because it is necessary, but not proper, or proper but not necessary.
Yes that makes little sense, but, you know, politicians need maximal ways to get in the way, so weaseleth be the day.
I suppose grammatical vs formal logic: In a formal logic sense "and" means you must have both, "or" means you must have at least one, "xor" means you must have one of them, but no more than one.
But even from a grammatical sense, the claim of "ambiguity" here is pretty dubious. The real ambiguity here comes from what is meant by "necessary" and "proper".
The real ambiguity here comes from what is meant by "necessary" and "proper" . . . which is a political question properly answered by Congress.
Riight: Limitations on Congressional power are political questions properly answered by Congress. So says everyone who doesn't want such limitations to limit.
Doesn't Marshal (below) state, "The clause is placed among the powers of congress, not among the limitations on those powers?"
And if not Congress, what other constitutional power has the authority to define necessary and proper?
Congress cannot define the limits of its own power. To suggest it can it to allow the reality that there are no limits.
According to many, the courts are supposed to be one constitutional elements meant to limit the government. So too are voters, but we know voters have no wish to limit the ability of Santa to continue to provide presents.
The states are another limiting factor. No doubt you reject the notion of nullification, given your penchant, as expressed here quite often, for an expansive government. However, the modern manifestation of nullification is in the form of the changes to state marijuana laws and their legalization. In spite of the federal prohibition, not only are states legalizing marijuana, they are refusing to assist the national government in their enforcement activities. This is nullification and another means of effectively vetoing congressional overreach.
I would add additional elements but these are what we have now. Thus one cannot say Congress is the only determinant as to the limits of its own power.
Agree and when I said Congress I meant including all the inherent factors, e.g., voters, Supreme Court, etc., but that doesn't change the fact that Congress decides what is necessary and proper.
Voters can elect new people (as they do every election), and the SC can also do their thing too.
Then the next Congress decides what is necessary and proper.
It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is.
Thanks all. I learned that once again, I have underestimated ways to quibble when it matters. To be clear, I don't mean your answers were quibbling so much as examples of quibbling, or predictions of possible quibbling, worthy of a textbook. I have much to learn.
hen·di·a·dys
/henˈdīədəs/
noun
the expression of a single idea by two words connected with “and,” e.g., nice and warm, when one could be used to modify the other, as in nicely warm.
Marshall was explicit. The Necessary and Proper Clause is about authorizing incidental powers of Congress. Thus:
1st. The clause is placed among the powers of congress, not among the limitations on those powers. 2d. Its terms purport to enlarge, not to diminish the powers vested in the government. It purports to be an additional power, not a restriction on those already granted. No reason has been, or can be assigned, for thus concealing an intention to narrow the discretion of the national legislature, under words which purport to enlarge it. The framers of the constitution wished its adoption, and well knew that it would be endangered by its strength, not by its weakness. Had they been capable of using language which would convey to the eye one idea, and, after deep reflection, impress on the mind, another, they would rather have disguised the grant of power, than its limitation. . . .
The result of the most careful and attentive consideration bestowed upon this clause is, that if it does not enlarge, it cannot be construed to restrain the powers of congress, or to impair the right of the legislature to exercise its best judgment in the selection of measures to carry into execution the constitutional powers of the government. If no other motive for its insertion can be suggested, a sufficient one is found in the desire to remove all doubts respecting the right to legislate on that vast mass of incidental powers which must be involved in the constitution, if that instrument be not a splendid bauble.
Scholarly methods disqualify themselves if they purport to deliver a contrary interpretation to text so plainly stated. In this instance, whether by contemporary dictionaries, or by an investigation using corpus linguistics, methods which do not accord in their results with Marshall's unambiguous meaning only serve to demonstrate the insufficiency of those methods themselves.
The method which does rightly apply is the usual historical method, to acknowledge that every historical text when it was uttered came endowed with a historical context of its own, without which it may not be faithfully interpreted. Marshall's clarity owes much to his own care to develop extensively that historical context, and to rule in and rule out alternative explanations, as if anticipating and responding to needs of future historians. As a result, historical interpretation rarely gets any clearer than the example of Marshall on the Necessary and Proper Clause.
You're just mindlessly repeating "Marshall said Marshall said" as if that settles the meaning.
Take the words N&P out of the sentence. Then the Constitution would authorize Congress
"To make all Laws for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof."
But that's not what the actual Constitution says. The actual Constitution says that Congress only has the power
"To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof."
In other words, yes, the sentence as a whole is a grant of power to Congress. But N&P serves as a limitation on that power.
Also, Chief Justice did actually argue that each term in the clause had independent significance. There can be no doubt of that either.
Perhaps you should quote that, because your earlier comment was about a point that no one seems to be debating.
It’s not clear whether Professor Bray’s distinction between a hendiadys and a legal term of art is a distinction that makes a difference.
As I understand it, a hendiadys substitutes a conjunction for a subordiation. “Nice and warm” could just as well be rendered “nicely warm.” But I don’t see that “necessary and proper” is equivalent to “necessarily proper.” “Necessary” may not be wholly independent of “proper.” But that doesn’t mean it’s wholly subordinate. As is often the case, there are more than two alternatives. Professor Bray appears to be assuming the two cases (independent vs. subordinate) represent a dichotomy. But it’s a false dichotomy. As any Venn Diagram illustrates, there is a lot of partial overlap potential between wholly independent (the two circles don’t overlap ar all) and wholly subordinate (one circle is entirely inside the other).