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The Progressive Case for Cost-Benefit Analysis (But Not As Conducted in the Trump Administration)
My review of Reviving Rationality:Saving Cost-Benefit Analysis for the Sake of the Environment and Our Health by Michael Livermore and Richard Revesz.
In the summer 2022 issue of Regulation I have a review of Reviving Rationality: Saving Cost-Benefit Analysis for the Sake of the Environment and Our Health by Michael A. Livermore and Richard L. Revesz.
Reviving Rationality is something of a sequel to their prior book on cost-benefit analysis, Retaking Rationality: How Cost-Benefit Analysis Can Better Protect the Environment and Our Health. In the first book (which I also reviewed), Livermore and Revesz made the case for cost-benefit analysis as a tool of progressive government. In Reviving Rationality, they note how the Obama Administration (largely) followed their advice and critique the Trump Administration for abandoning principled cost-benefit analysis in regulatory policy.
Here is a taste of my review:
Under Trump, Livermore and Revesz argue, "what is called cost–benefit analysis in a Republican administration is all but unrecognizable." CBA was no longer a tool to ensure policymakers were aware of potential regulatory consequences, but a game in which analyses were to be twisted and spun to support predetermined policy conclusions.
The result, in their view, was not simply the adoption of incoherent and harmful policies, but an assault on longstanding "norms in the American system of governance that have constrained and informed agency decision making." That, in turn, demoralized the federal workforce. What is needed now, they argue, is an effort to "double‐down" on the Obama administration's approach and go "even further to integrate cost–benefit analysis with a progressive regulatory agenda."
Much of Reviving Rationality is devoted to critiquing the Trump administration for its ill‐grounded and poorly executed deregulatory initiatives. According to the authors, many Trump actions were undertaken with insufficient analytical grounding and without regard for relevant legal constraints and procedural requirements. As a consequence, the administration lost early and often when its actions were challenged in federal court. The Environmental Protection Agency, in particular, suffered numerous early defeats in court and ultimately accomplished little in the way of lasting change, deregulatory or otherwise.
The authors' detailed critiques of several specific Trump administration initiatives are forcefully presented and often compelling. Some of their broader claims about the role of regulatory review and CBA are less powerful and are less likely to persuade those who do not share their progressive outlook and regulatory sympathies. It is one thing to excoriate the Trump administration for its disregard of the legal and administrative norms governing regulatory agency activity. It is another to brush aside concerns for aggregate regulatory burdens or suggest that ex ante cost–benefit assessments should be the central focus of regulatory policy.
And here is how my review concludes:
At its best, Reviving Rationality identifies the potential value of sensible CBA and identifies many of the foibles of CBAs gone wrong. Livermore and Revesz's detailed analyses of several Trump administration regulatory actions are insightful, even if one thinks they occasionally overstate their case.
At times, the authors seem to suggest CBA has more to offer than is actually realistic, and they too readily accept the argument that net economic benefits suggest there is a market failure that government must correct. They nonetheless offer hope that serious CBA can constrain at least some regulatory excess within progressive administrations. (Indeed, it is a shame, at this point, that neither author has been tapped to lead Biden's OIRA.)
While Reviving Rationality might not convince CBA's fiercest critics, it is an important entry in the relevant literature. It firmly establishes Livermore and Revesz as the leading progressive advocates of cost–benefit analysis.
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Cost benefit analysis can be deceptive.
The better methodology is marginal cost v marginal benefit analysis
I would back up a step. Make sure you are actually counting all the costs and benefits. It is very easy for a dishonest or ignorant writer to count the mouse and ignore the elephant. I see this in traffic regulation discussions. A vehicle stuck in traffic due to (things we don't like) costs the economy $15 to $20 per hour. A vehicle stuck in traffic due to (things we like) costs nothing. An accident due to (things we don't like) costs society on average $20,000. An accident due to (things we like) is the fault of the dumb driver who totally deserved it. When city politicians do this they're idiots who don't actually care about the things they claim to care about anyway. When people with letters after their names do it, it's misconduct or malpractice.
My reference to marginal cost v marginal benefit is similar to the law of diminishing returns.
first $1 may provide $10 of benefit
second $1 may provide $5 of benefit
thrid $1 may provide $2 benefit
fourth $1 may provide 50c benefit.
In the aggregate - there is a positive cost benefit, so the CBA analysis will support spending $10+ . Whereas the 4th $1 has a negative marginal cost marginal benefit,
This logic error is very evident in the EPA' CBa analysis of the fine particulate matter studies (2.5mm) - the studies used by the EPA used to support the EPA position somehow show that as the air gets incrementally cleaner, the lives saved somehow increase by larger margins. Backwards of the law of diminishing returns.
MC vs. MB is a fine way to do things if you can fine tune the policy enough to enable some sort of sensible calculation.
I'm not sure you can always do that.
Further, one needs to consider the costs of likely risks, which can be difficult to calculate if you don't have actuarial tables but there are reasonable proxies like insurance costs.
Going back before Obama, the Bush administration proposed a rule that counted cost or benefit by quality-adjusted life years (QALY), a standard measure. The rule was defeated not by science or the law, but by hordes of old people saying their few remaining years needed to count more than those belonging to younger and less politically-active voters.
Remember the song:
Oh, it's a long, long while from May to December
But the days grow short
When you reach September
When the Autumn weather turns the leaves to flame
One hasn't got time for the waiting game
Oh, the days dwindle down to a precious few
September, November
And these few precious days
I'll spend with you
These precious days
I'll spend with you
Are old folks' years more or less valuable to them than young folks' years are to the young?
Better question: who is more likely to vote in a primary?
+1 for the literary quote.
Yup. That's decidedly progressive to think that a favorable CBA justifies a government action. Any government action whatsoever.
Thank God, voters are finally ousting progressive officials. IMO, a century of libertarianism would be wonderful.
Libertarianism would devolve into oligarchy/authoritarianism far sooner than 100 years.
The authoritarian state evolves out of a different sort of selective counting than I mentioned above. The bigger thing that can be left out of a cost-benefit analysis is the intangible or at least hard to quantify value of the rights of the people. I recall hearing a podcaster (who was informed enough to know he was lying) dismiss anti-lockdown protests as just people who wanted to get their hair done. When the costs and benefits can be reduced to dollars in an agreed upon manner the analysis works much better. For the most part monetary costs imposed on emotionless corporations are not complicated to analyze. Sometimes you get a Hobby Lobby situation where the corporation does have feelings.
Republicans don’t “do policy”. They are uninterested. And don’t bother to learn it anyway.
i>CBA was no longer a tool to ensure policymakers were aware of potential regulatory consequences, but a game in which analyses were to be twisted and spun to support predetermined policy conclusions.
How soon the ACA is forgotten.
How quickly the gutting of the ACA's funding sources was forgotten.
Cause, meet Effect.
The ACA's funding source was degrading the quality of insurance everybody but those with preexisting conditions got. Who's forgotten that? Or are you pretending forcing insurance companies to sell insurance below cost to some people didn't cost anything to everybody else?
The CBO analysis of the cost savings, was openly skewed with fantasy projections of future 'savings'. Otherwise, it could not be voted in via reconciliation. It was gutted as passed.
Are you required to wear a helmet and a leash when you leave the house?