The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
What Is Church Autonomy?
A primer on a religious liberty issue that went from a backwater to a hot topic in the last decade.
Thanks to Eugene and coconspirators for having me here this week writing about my recent work on church autonomy law. I have a new paper (forthcoming in the Notre Dame Law Review) about the limits of the church autonomy doctrine—responding, in part, to areas of confusion that have arisen in lower courts applying church autonomy doctrine. I'll use some future blog posts this week to get into those issues. Before getting into that, I want to step back to reflect on what's going on in the field of "church autonomy doctrine" and how this issue has risen in significance in the last decade.
The "church autonomy doctrine" is a legal principle of protection for the internal self-governance of religious organizations. (You can find a longer version of this explanation, with more citations, in the law review article.) Church autonomy doctrine protects religious institutions from state control, ensuring that religious organizations can control their own beliefs and internal affairs, or ensuring that the state does not establish a religion. The basics are fairly intuitive: Americans don't want the state telling religious bodies whom it can or can't retain as a minister, rabbi, or imam, or endorsing the theological distinctives of one side of a church split when the competing factions disagree about what counts as the "true" form of a given faith.
The church autonomy doctrine applies to all religious institutions, not just churches. While it could be termed "religious autonomy" (or more precisely, autonomy for religious institutions), "church autonomy" remains the most used term in the courts for the body of law that has developed about the internal affairs of religious organizations.
The church autonomy doctrine is based on both of the religion clauses of the First Amendment. The courts have based church autonomy on both religion clauses of the First Amendment. Interfering with the internal governance of a religious institution would violate religious liberty (free exercise) and establish a religion by allowing the state to dictate the conduct of the religious body. Scholars disagree about whether the Establishment Clause or the Free Exercise Clause provides the better foundation, or whether it is best to view church autonomy as the combined effect of the religion clauses, as the Supreme Court has said. But in any case, church autonomy ensures the institutional separation of church and state.
Broadly speaking, this doctrine has two main applications. First, courts should not decide matters that require a particular position on religious doctrine or belief. So if the court is asked to decide whether a member was wrongfully expelled on the basis of the church's doctrinal standards, the court should decline. Second, courts should not decide matters that interfere with the religious institution's internal governance. As the Supreme Court said in its 2019 decision of Our Lady of Guadalupe School, this "protect[s] their autonomy with respect to internal management decisions that are essential to the institution's central mission." This includes selecting ministers, which is known as the "ministerial exception" from employment nondiscrimination law. It also has been long understood to protect churches from defamation lawsuits challenging church discipline proceedings.
Some courts and commentators speak as though there are several different but related doctrines here (church autonomy different from ministerial exception different from ecclesiastical abstention). But I think the better way to think of this is as a single overarching principle—church autonomy—applied in different contexts. That's certainly how the Supreme Court has described the issue.
Church autonomy is not new. One can find a common-law church autonomy principle being articulated by the Supreme Court as early as 1872, even before the First Amendment was applied against the states. (The early history of American church autonomy is fascinating, but I'll hold back on that for the present—that's the subject of another project I have underway!) Church autonomy principles were thoroughly constitutionalized (that is, articulated as a matter of constitutional law) in a 1952 decision.
But for a long time, church autonomy remained a backwater. The paradigmatic Free Exercise religious liberty case involved an individual seeking to follow the dictates of individual conscience. The paradigm cases for Establishment Clause principles were government religious practices—school prayer, Ten Commandments in government buildings, and the like.
I first became interested in church autonomy cases when I was in college. My friend Bob Renaud and I noticed that the church autonomy cases engaged with church-state issues that had been historically very important in the history of Christian theology, about the formal institutional authority of church and state. We wrote an article about this. (It was my first law review publication—still in college and not quite knowing how law reviews worked, I was grateful to the law review editors who took a chance on us!) As I finished college, worked, came back to graduate school, and pursued other projects, I kept an eye on church autonomy. And over time, it took on more and more importance.
Over the last decade, most of the Supreme Court's high-profile cases about religious liberty involved religious institutions, from church employment decisions in Hosanna Tabor, to corporate conscience in Hobby Lobby, to religious social services in Fulton. The idea that the solitary individual conscience was the paradigm case for First Amendment religion cases has shifted considerably over the last decade.
The Supreme Court addressed church autonomy issues for the first time in years in Hosanna Tabor, making the church autonomy principle as strong as it has ever been. While controversies swirled over the best way to interpret and apply the Free Exercise clause to conscience claims, religious institutions had robust legal protections for their domain of internal autonomy. Zoë Robinson has perceptively called this decade an era of "religious institutionalism."
Church autonomy is no longer a backwater. It has taken its place as one of the central Religion Clause doctrines, regularly litigated in the courts. But with that as the case, it's particularly important to reflect on the scope and limits of church autonomy. Is church autonomy a praiseworthy principle of religious liberty that appropriately recognizes the communal nature of so much religious faith and practice? Or does it threaten (as its critics charge) to place religious institutions above the law in troubling ways? That's a question I'll take up in the next post.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Not strictly on topic, but too cool not to mention:
Last year the question came up whether the Scottish government had the power to forbid Scottish churches from holding Sunday services. There are all sorts of reasons why the government might not have that power, but the most spectacular one was the claim that the pre-Union Scottish parliament didn't have the power to regulate Church matters, and that therefore the post-Union UK parliament didn't either. (And therefore also couldn't delegate that power to the Scottish government.)
Of course, in a country where the most fundamental legal rule is that Parliament can do whatever it pleases, that was quite revolutionary. Ultimately the judge ducked the issue in a big way, and concluded that the Scottish government had acted unlawfully based on the Human Rights Act. But it was still quite something for counsel to argue.
https://www.scotcourts.gov.uk/docs/default-source/cos-general-docs/pdf-docs-for-opinions/2021csoh032.pdf
I am no expert on UK law, but that argument does not strike me as completely nutso.
Isn't the 1707 Act of Union (and various associated laws) a part of the British small-c constitution? If it does, indeed, spell out areas of ecclesiatical independence, why should it not be given effect?
Yes, but the Acts of Union don't spell out any of this. The Acts simply say "That the United Kingdom of Great Britain be Represented by one and the same Parliament to be stiled the Parliament of Great Britain".
For the Scots, that means that all the (unwritten) limits on the Scots Parliament that existed before 1707 also apply to the UK parliament. For the English that means the Dicey rule that Parliament can make or unmake any law whatever. Typically everybody ducks the issue.
I botched my comment on the introductory post, got corrected, have had some time to think about this more, and this article also helped clarify what I should have meant to say. It's not a serious thought, just something wiggling around in my mind, and may as well dump it here where it has some relation to TFA.
If freedom of the press covers all publication, not just state-anointed media and their employees, should not freedom of expression, and especially the Establishment clause, also cover all philosophies and thoughts?
In particular, playing devil's advocate and trying to stir up some shit, should this not also cover economic philosophies? Such as capitalism vs socialism. To cut to the chase, individualism (not capitalism) can simulate both, and everything except majority-rule coercion, by contracts; whereas any kind of coercive State cannot even tolerate individualism, let alone simulate it. Seems to me, to draw the logical conclusion, the only valid government-mandated philosophy is laissez-fair individualism, where the government's only role is enforcing contracts.
As far as the law is concerned religious freedom is an axiom, not derived from deeper principles. If you were drafting a new Bill of Rights you might propose new axioms.
This looks like a very interesting topic. Liberty of conscience should be practiced very broadly in my view, and not just limited to religious contexts. For example, this is one of the ways in which the whole "woke" culture rubs me the wrong way: there's no allowance for liberty of conscience, every voice must chant belief in The Current Thing.
In fact, I'd say that a belief in liberty of conscience is even more foundational than a believe in liberty of speech. What's the point of having freedom to speak if not to speak about how your opinion may differ from another's?
Remember when Obama would wag his finger and Amerisplain how brown foreigner should practice Islam?? Now listen members of ISIS—Islam is a religion of peace and you should do less slaughtering of infidels and preside over more gay marriages!
The OP here all made sense to me, with one exception:
Over the last decade, most of the Supreme Court's high-profile cases about religious liberty involved religious institutions, from church employment decisions in Hosanna Tabor, to corporate conscience in Hobby Lobby, . . .
From where I sit, the question whether Hobby Lobby is, or is not, or even could be, a religious institution was kind of the heart of the case. If Hobby Lobby is a religious institution, where is the boundary which excludes non-religious institutions?
I am not a lawyer, and did not follow the Hobby Lobby case in every detail, so please just explain if there is some obvious point I have overlooked.
IIRC, it had nothing to do with whether HL was a religious institution. Rather, the question was whether one loses one's 1st Amendment religious rights when acting through a corporate intermediary. It is analogous to Citizens United, where the issue was freedom of expression, rather than freedom of religion.