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Woolhandler on Public Rights, Taxation and Delegation at the Founding
Another contribution to recent scholarship on whether the Nondelegation Doctrine is properly rooted in the Constitution's original meaning and founding era understandings.
The past two years has seen a burst of new scholarship challenging and defending the historical pedigree of the Nondelegation Doctrine. As I noted in this post, several important articles question whether founding era understandings and practice support the existence of a constitutional (and judicially enforceable) constraint on the delegation of legislative power to the executive branch. In addition to the papers cited in that post, there is additional recent work by Michael McConnell and Jed Shugerman that bears on this subject.
Among the most powerful challenges to conventional originalist accounts of the Nondelegation Doctrine was Nicholas Parillo's Yale Law Journal article "A Critical Assessment of the Originalist Case Against Administrative Regulatory Power: New Evidence from the Federal Tax on Private Real Estate in the 1790s." This paper has drawn a new response.
In "Public Rights and Taxation: A Brief Response to Professor Parrillo," Ann Woolhandler questions whether Parillo's article undermines originalist claims for the existence of a nondelegation doctrine as much as some might think. Here is the abstract:
A division exists between scholars who claim that Congress made only limited delegations to executive officials in the early Republic, and those who see more extensive delegations. In A Critical Assessment of the Originalist Case Against Administrative Regulatory Power: New Evidence from the Federal Tax on Private Real Estate in the 1790s, Professor Nicholas Parrillo claims that congressional delegations under the direct tax of 1798 undercut arguments that early delegations of rulemaking either addressed unimportant issues or were limited to special categories. Nondelegation scholar Professor Ilan Wurman responded to Parrillo in the volume of the Yale Law Journal in which Parrillo's article appeared, particularly arguing that Congress itself addressed the important issues as to the 1798 tax. This paper instead focuses on Parrillo's claim that the 1798 tax did not fall within any limited special category for nondelegation purposes. Admittedly, Parrillo's evidence undermines some generalizations that early rulemaking was not "coercive and domestic." Taxation, however, falls into the category of public rights, which could include matters that were domestic and coercive, but that nevertheless allowed for a more lenient application of separation of powers strictures.
One point that Woolhandler's comment underscores is that contemporary characterizations of the scope, nature, importance of particular delegations may not track with those of the founding period. Indeed, the prevailing categories and characterizations of 1787 might not even make much sense to modern commentators. But insofar as the original meaning of the Constitution does place limits on the delegation of legislative power, founding era characterizations and understandings would be more important than those of today.
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If analyzing a tax law from 1798 is the way to prevent amendments-under-the-guise-of-interpretation, then by all means, analyze away.
I'm not necessarily persuaded by the premise, though. Is there a way to defend the exclusivity of the Art. V process without this sort of thing?
It is not hard. Article I Section 1 gives all lawmaking power to the Congress. If you want judicial review, and executive regulation let each be approved by Congress or be void at the end of the term. Make the rent seeking, little tyrant bitch lawyers, read the 10000 pages of the Federal Register into the Congressional record prior to a vote.
Doesn’t the mere existence of this debate undermine the entire philosophy of “originalism?”
Originalism posits that there is a single original public meaning or understanding of a document at the time it was drafted. This meaning or understanding can be judicially discoverable. These understandings and meanings are definitive and not subject to change, therefore constraining judges and making the rules clear so that the public may respond by amendment if they choose. And if that wasn’t enough, this is the only legitimate method of constitutional interpretation.
But this understanding or meaning is being debated endlessly by very smart and credible legal scholars and historians with lots of evidence to back them up. There is nothing definitive. There is no single “original public meaning” or “understanding” of things. Particular when the issue isn’t even a particular word or phrase but a background principle about political power sharing that everyone had different views on.
And we expect judges to come up with definitive answers for all time, by simply saying, with limited training or time, that one side is right and the other is wrong? (Oh and btw these supposedly definitive answers just so happen to favor conservative policy choices the vast majority of the time)
This whole originalism project is non-sense on stilts, to borrow a phrase from Bentham.
I'm not aware of any serious originalists who think that it will always provide easy answers, much less present that as an advantage of the doctrine.
I am not aware of any serious originalists. Originalism is less serious, less popular, less persuasive, less important, and less interesting than Kim Kardashian . . . although originalism is -- as its proponents are quick to point out -- a few months older than Kim Kardashian. Originalism and Kim Kardashian also seem destined to have roughly the same lifespan in the public eye.
Enjoy it while it lasts, clingers.
I see Kirkland has been studying his pickup artist's handbook...trying to get Kardashian to go out with him by making disparaging remarks about her...and maybe this is the approach he takes with clingers, too.
Sorry, Kirkland, I'm flattered but I have to wash my hair that night.
OK, Boomer. STFU until you do the right thing and resign. It is high time you were replaced by a diverse.
Your woke palaver has no validity until you make it personal. Show the class woke. Resign.
We’re not talking about whether answers are easy or hard…but whether they’re even possible. Which originalists assert they are and I think is a non-sense position.
Both the dueling academics here seem to think an answer is possible, even if they don't agree on what the answer is.
I tend to agree with you. Determining the original meaning/intent is impossible.
The constitution we have is a set of muddled compromises between two different sets of opposing factions (federalists vs anti-federalists and free-states vs slave-states*). The ultimate problem for originalists is that there isn't a singular original meaning/intent.
That said, I don't think the courts should be free to just re-interpret the constitution at will.
*Those two sets of factions don't line up with each other. There were free-state and slave-state supporters in both the federalist and anti-federalist factions.
Yep. And like I alluded to above, I find the concept especially absurd for something like delegation which is an inference from structure and practice.
At least for something like “commerce among” the several states” or “keep and bear arms” there’s a certain logic behind looking at how the specific terms were widely used at the time.
Here though there have to look at the political theory they were debating over and the common practice…which was all over the place and the norm isn’t agreed upon by legal scholars and historians. That’s not going to yield a definitive answer at all.
(Also I don’t put much stock in the fact that the authors of scholarship think they have a definitive answer. That’s bound to happen because it’s an argument. Even historians, who often talk about how some things just aren’t going to be definitive…tend to think their own arguments settle the issue on whatever it is they’re writing about even if it’s actually highly debatable)
Even historians, who often talk about how some things just aren’t going to be definitive…tend to think their own arguments settle the issue on whatever it is they’re writing about even if it’s actually highly debatable)
That describes practices of run-of-the-mill historians—comprising (generously) the bottom 99.7% of the profession. But the excellent historians among that small remainder tend not to argue. That characteristic can help you distinguish who they are.
Ask one of those to prove or disprove a particular proposition about the past, and the answer you will likely get back will be something like, "You can't do that." By which excellent historians will not mean it is against this rule to do it, or contrary to that conventional practice. The excellent historians will mean it is impossible to do. And not just that it is impossible for you to do, but impossible for them too, or for anyone.
In place of argument, the excellent historians practice a more-challenging activity. They begin by marshaling a myriad of survivals from a period under consideration—as many as can be found. Those include objects, writings, durable evidence of human activity, physical facts, biological occurrences etc.—all things which after creation in that era have survived in some fashion to make themselves fortuitously available for present consideration. Those survivals become raw materials to accomplish a daunting construction—the creation by inference of a passage of history which has not survived, by reference to whatever survivals have been collected.
Note that the process of creation—the method of inference—cannot be to critique by present-founded analytical insight the survivals—those must be permitted to stand as found—both uncriticized, and undefended—even if in that light they appear paradoxical or mutually impossible. Their status as historical survivals is irrefutable, and that is what matters.
Thus, instead, the method of inference must be to make the survivals critique each other. The historical narrative thus developed is a description of that specific and carefully limited process of critique, tailored to exclude present-minded analysis.
If you have followed thus far, you will see that in that last bit the prospect for debate over uncertain inference re-enters the discussion. But it is a prospect for controversy notably different—more limited, more controlled, and exclusive of conclusory present-minded intrusions—than are the "arguments," you mentioned in what I quoted above.
An example of a great work of history written using principles I described above is the late historian Edmund Morgan's book, American Slavery, American Freedom. As I first considered it, the title suggested to me an argument in the form of a dialectic. As I read it, I looked in vain for argument to materialize. What I found instead was a narrative grounded in facts so profusely and variously in evidence (both footnoted and not, by the way) that they suggested material available to create several more such books. Which was impressive, but I did wonder where it was all going, if anywhere. And then I arrived at the end—with still no argument in sight—but with my understanding of the history of the United States transformed.
That is not a description of a process which will be of much use in any attempts to decide law cases on, "originalist," principles. But if you understand it, it ought to suggest the near-impossibility of deciding on, "originalist," principles any law cases at all.
Part of the problem I have with originalism is that there's a whole bunch of double talk from originalists.
For instance, Scalia would go to scholars and say what you said, i.e., nobody seriously claims that it provides easy answers to all the problems, etc. etc.
But then he'd go give a talk to a popular audience or a press interview and say that it does provide the answers and that everyone who doesn't use it is just ignoring the law to enact their policy preferences.
I want to make clear, this isn't the only problem I have with originalism. But it's really at the center of it because it is used to justify why traditional methods of interpretation, which considers framers' intent/original understanding as a factor but not the only factor, are wrong and originalism is the only correct method. It's a sophisticated motte and bailey.
Also originalist opinions. The opinions themselves are claiming to provide definitive answers.
Just because some questions are difficult or impossible to answer doesn't mean that all of them are.
Even some questions being impossible to answer is fatal to originalism’s claims. It completely undermines its claim to be the only constitutionally legitimate interpretive “method.” And it also undermines its claim to constrain judges with predictable constitutional rules.
Also FWIW: the notion that “hard” questions are going to be ultimately and satisfactorily answered by nine judges with no historical training and their clerks with no historical training and limited legal experience over nine months is also ridiculous. They’re just going to be presented tilted theories from scotus practitioners who have a case to make for a client to win a particular dispute…not develop a consistent meaning. And they’ll either 1) pick a side or 2) go off the reservation with their own bizarre theory to get what they want.
Do you have an example of the second sort of thing? I've read a fair amount of Scalia's speeches for both popular and specialist audiences and I don't recall him saying what you're accusing him of, but I le be happy to be educated.
LTG 1, Strawman 0.
Uh it’s not a straw man. That’s what originalists actually think they’re doing.
When you get to set up an opposing side's argument to so easily knock it down, it's practically the definition of a strawman.
Realistically there can be some practical debate about what was meant 200+ years ago, as it is only to be expected. There is debate about laws passed in the last 10 years and what was meant.
That doesn't mean however, you think the meaning should "evolve" with the times, beyond anything that could've been practically considered or realistic interpretation 200+ years ago.
One of the main arguments originalists have is that originalism is superior in being both clear and directive. LTG is pointing to this as a counterexample.
Just because you have a more positivist view of originalism doesn't mean he's strawmanning.
And you don't even get your positivist view right. Founding era lawyers understood that judicial decisions did evolve, including constitutional ones, as the common law adapted to new situations.
So your positivist insistence that our constitutional understanding must be locked 200 years in the past is not even originalist.
The Constitution should mean whatever we need it to mean to meet my goals!
Yes. That’s originalism for you.
If only the founding fathers realized politicians were self-serving, lying, fraudulent opportunists seeking to expand their power to maximize opportunities for corruption, and so built a constitution around principles to slow their self-approved arrogation of new power.
They even have a self-serving meme for that: "Why should we be bound by them?"
I mean…they were self-serving politicians? Haven’t you ever read about them? Many of them were thoughtful and had uniquely brilliant visions and believed they were acting in the best interests of the country and principles. But….they also had material interests they were extremely concerned about, sought power for powers sake, made despite their brilliance had completely different visions on what the nature of the country should be and weren’t above lying and hypocrisy.
This is a false dichotomy.
First, as LTG pointed out, originalism can be just as outcome oriented as any other method of interpretation. Saying you're bound by a thing you've curated to agree with is meaningless.
Second, the Founders did not build a constitution solely around principles to slow accumulation of power. The Constitution has both populist and elitist powers, balancing the two. It is not a libertarian document - that one failed handily.
Third, to the extent that they did want to keep power decentralized, the unitary executive and Trump's blasting through any kind of internal controls on the executive seem like something you should disagree with, no?
LOL...no, that's your side. Living Constitutionalism
My side is actually just that originalism is a bad theory that pretends it doesn’t do that, when doing precisely that. Meaning depends on whatever sources the judges decide count as establishing original meaning and there is no set or predicable method for this. As a result it all depends on whatever the judge wants it to mean.
This non-delegation debate is a great example
of this. There is now tons of evidence that there was never a widely accepted strong non-delegation principle around the time of the founding. Do you think Gorsuch is going to care if he wants to destroy the administrative state? Nope. He’s not going to at all. He’s just going to cite the sources he thinks gets him there. Maybe toss Bagley and Mortsensen into a footnote with a bullshit reason for rejection of their findings. That would be originalism and also just making the constitution whatever you want it to mean.
Now you're starting to sound like Josh Blackman. If Gorsuch were to impose his policy preferences when originalism would lead to a different result, that's an indictment of him, not originalism.
“Now you're starting to sound like Josh Blackman.“
How? Because I’m criticizing your theory?
“If Gorsuch were to impose his policy preferences when originalism would lead to a different result, that's an indictment of him, not originalism.”
It’s an indictment of both! Sure it is an indictment of Gorsuch that he’s wedded to a strong nondelegation doctrine despite evidence it’s bunk. But how are we supposed to say he’s not practicing “originalism” there are no set judicial standards for assessing historical evidence? It’s up to the idiosyncratic nature of the judge how evidence and sources are treated. Instead of saying “no true originalist” maybe it’s better to realize the concept is bunk.
If a theory of interpretation is good only in an ideal vacuums, and serves only to rationalize when implemented in real life, I consider that an indictment of the utility of that theory.
Sure. But I'm not sure how Gorsuch's hypothetical refusal to follow what LawTalkingGuy thinks originalism would dictate shows that it "serves only to rationalize when implemented in real life"
I think originalism doesn’t dictate anything, which is the problem. Lots of scholars say this is what delegation is about. Other scholars say the opposite. It’s not definitive. Gorsuch (or whomever) just gets to pick a side and say he’s being bound by something and the standards (if there are any) for how he decides what historical evidence binds him are contained in his head and nowhere else. Like why does he get to reject one set of scholars in favor of another set? How is he being bound? How is originalism supposed to provide answers for structural aspects the text only possibly implies?
But no theory of interpretation can prevent people from lying.
Nieporent, true that. But of course the lying is likely to be anti-originalist, or the would-be originalist would not have had to lie.
No, because you're both saying that if Supreme Court justices who identify as originalists come out the "wrong" way on a particular issue (in his case, abortion; in your case, non-delegation) that would somehow discredit originalism.
That’s not what I’m saying at all. Im saying that originalism has no answer to the problem. The theory is discredited by the debate on the topic itself and the fact that there are zero real standards for implementing it.
Blackman’s idea is that originalism DOES have definitive answers and if he doesn’t get those then the theory must be useless for advancing causes he cares about.
By contrast I say no such answers exist. A justice claiming to get a definitive answer from historical practice while ignoring key historical evidence demonstrates that it doesn’t do what it claims to at all.
It didn’t actually provide a definitive answer despite the judicial pretension to doing so.
It certainly didn’t constrain the judge in any meaningful way. Which is supposed to be the doctrines selling point.
The rule is only clear and predictable as long as a future judge doesn’t come along and put more weight on disregarded evidence.
And all this demonstrates it’s claim to being the only constitutionally
legitimate method of interpretation is questionable because it’s just as a easy to pick and choose outcomes as any other theory.
One point that Woolhandler's comment underscores is that contemporary characterizations of the scope, nature, importance of particular delegations may not track with those of the founding period. Indeed, the prevailing categories and characterizations of 1787 might not even make much sense to modern commentators. But insofar as the original meaning of the Constitution does place limits on the delegation of legislative power, founding era characterizations and understandings would be more important than those of today.
All points well made. Atypical for originalist lawyer talk too, in a good way. The abstract suggests genuine awareness of problems inherent in historical interpretation—described in a way similar to what a professional historian might say. So I do hope that when the entire original paper can be accessed (the links don't work for me), some professional historian will be found there, helping out. What are my chances?
I am a textualist, but not an originalist.
In my opinion, to the extent that the original meaning of the words used is important, that is a job for linguists who study how languages evolve over time, not historians.
Slyfield, if the job of a historian stopped at discerning the meaning of a word, you might have a point, or at least an argument. But that is only a small part of the job of a historian, and for accurate interpretations which could be of use to a forthright originalist (should any such be found), the other parts matter more. In a subsequent comment I cited a text on historiography, which you might want to take a look at if you have a genuine interest in understanding the past in a forthright way.
discerning the meaning of a word is the job of a linguist, not a historian.
I don't care about what a historian brings to the table that a linguist wouldn't, because for legal purposes, I don't care that much about their intent, only the actual words they put on paper.
By the way, Slyfield, when you say you are a textualist, but not an originalist, is it fair to surmise you intend that only the present meaning of the text, in present context, matters. If that is true, why would you need a linguist? Maybe just to explain particularly complicated examples of present context?
"is it fair to surmise you intend that only the present meaning of the text, in present context, matters."
For the most part yes.
"If that is true, why would you need a linguist?"
Generally, you shouldn't. I did say "to the extent that original meaning was important". I mostly don't consider it that important.
The main place you might need a linguist is for constructs that don't make sense at all in a modern context.
Could you elaborate? Maybe I'm misunderstanding your theory, but it seems odd to me that the meaning of an enactment should change based on fortuitous and unrelated linguistic developments. Do you think, for instance, that Article IV section 4 now gives the federal government authority to try to stop intimate partner crimes?
Noscitur, I am pretty sure Slyfield has in mind,
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, . . .
He figures it takes a linguist to get rid of that. The linguist just says, "Speaking linguistically. . . mumble, mumble . . . it was an age fraught with meaningless prefatory nonsense." Problem solved, the militia clause goes away.
That clears the decks for the exhibition of old-time dictionary reading. Pick your dictionary (published years afterward, thousands of miles away is fine) pick your reference terms according to whatever definitions best prove your anticipated argument, and you slide home safe. Law office history at its near-best.
Or take it one step farther, to achieve the in-vogue-now absolute best. Use corpus linguistics in place of the dictionary. That makes a show of letting a robot do the cherry picking.
That much Slyfield grudgingly concedes. But otherwise, Slyfield doesn't want to be criticized for re-writing history without knowing any, so present-minded textualism does the trick. Using that method, people may disagree, but they can't reasonably accuse Slyfield, saying he does not know what the words mean.
Slyfield is unaware—because lawyers are almost universally unaware—that to critique originalism as historically incompetent barely has anything to do with misconstruing individual words. The problem with originalism is mostly not about misunderstood words (although that is not a trivial problem), it is mostly about not understanding what context means. And by the way, not about misunderstanding what this historical context means, or that historical context means, but misunderstanding altogether what the notion of historical context itself means.
For instance—for one introductory example of the problem—originalist lawyers suppose they get to do what Scalia did in Heller—use their present-day analytical insights to say what an assemblage of antique text means. And thus put that antique text in a context supplied by their present-day evaluation.
Historians insist you can't do it that way without making the present prejudice the past. Survivials from the past (the historical record) were inflected when created by a unique context different than today's. It is that different context which has to be recaptured, and put to work. To do that you have to marshal whatever applicable antique evidence happens to have survived, and then make antique terms found among the survivals critique each other—avoiding altogether any present-day analysis. See if you can find an, "originalist," legal interpretation that relies entirely on that method.
That is a description of the simple, introductory problem. Historical reasoning gets more complicated from there. Many of the more abstruse complications become stumbling blocks even for the majority of professional historians. It takes staggering erudition to make valid historical reasoning work the way it must if it is to deliver the result which everyone seeks—the re-creation of a passage of history which has not survived, by reference to contextually valid inferences from the evidence which has survived.
"He figures it takes a linguist to get rid of that. The linguist just says, "Speaking linguistically. . . mumble, mumble . . . it was an age fraught with meaningless prefatory nonsense." Problem solved, the militia clause goes away."
It is not necessary to make the militia clause go away. There is no grammatically valid reading where the militia clause limits "the right of the people" in the other clause.
So no need even for the linguist? You yourself call it, "meaningless prefatory nonsense," and that takes care of it? You have great powers.
"Do you think, for instance, that Article IV section 4 now gives the federal government authority to try to stop intimate partner crimes?"
No.
Even under present day meanings, "domestic" means something different in the context of governments and nations/states.
Running the abstract through the site on the next post:
Noscitur, thanks for that.
Parrillo appears to be an actual academic historian, albeit one with a speciality in WW II technical subjects. I wonder if I found the wrong guy. If not, even a minor-figure history professor is almost a breakthrough, compared to well-worn expectations that the originalist authority will turn out to be a guy with credentials like Wurman's.
Wurman seems to be a bog standard Federalist Society law professor. Just the person you expect an, "originalist," authority to be.
My hope is that someday would-be originalists will think to check in with a few of the nation's more esteemed founding-era (and pre-founding era) academic historians. Those could inform the lawyers—not about what to conclude about this case, or about that case—but about how to think through problems involving historical methods—if only to save the lawyers from howlers like citing stuff that came later as supportive of stuff that came previously.
As an activity, historical interpretation presents to laymen as intuitive and accessible. In practice it is neither. A related discipline called historiography probes the subtleties, and aspires to formulate rules for sound historical practice. Historiography has power to explain to novices that they are engaged against non-obvious complications, and will encounter unfamiliar contradictions which limit the scope of ambition for what historical reasoning can accomplish. Unfortunately, the best historiographic texts veer toward the philosophical, and read with all the transparency and fluidity of Kant.
There may not be another field of human endeavor so likely to invite naive mis-practice. One measure of that is to note that when originalism might be applicable, skilled historical interpretation becomes indispensable—something lawyers almost invariably show no sign of noticing. Instead, they rummage around for cherry-picked citations, then say off the top of their heads what the citations mean. I picture some lawyer now, thinking, "No, we don't, we look up words in old dictionaries; we use corpus linguistics." To which the only fitting reply is, QED—but you do not know enough to guess why.
Anyone who would appreciate a reference to check out what I say, and why, can take a look at Michael Oakeshott's excellent little historiography, titled, On History. Read that through 3 times, and you will either come out a much smarter would-be originalist, or give up originalism in despair.
Oakeshott advises giving up, by the way. Although he wrote before, "originalism," was a thing, in his analysis its premises are recognizable among a broader category of logical contradictions—contradictions peculiar to historical reasoning, of course—and thus unsuspected by most lawyers.
I'm a bit confused here. How does this violate delegation issues? This is...tax assessment.
Tax assessors are going to assess values to houses. One doesn't expect Congress to go around, separately assessing the value of each individual house.
Moreover, Congress set the value be raised, as a one-time tax.
1. $2 million nationwide and
2. per the Constitution’s requirement for direct taxes, apportioned that sum among the states according to each state’s free population plus three-fifths of its slave population.
i.e. $345,488 for Virginia, $260,435 for Massachusetts.
With this in place, Congress let the tax assessors get to work, assessing values on the various properties. Above them was a board to make sure everything was fair and even statewide in terms of assessed values. IE, the assessed value of an average House in Baltimore shouldn't be 10% the value of an average house in Ellicott city. Congress shouldn't be expected to review each instance of the assessed value, and compare it to other assessed values within the state, appointing a board to do this is appropriate for a one time matter.
That's pretty clear for a one-time tax.
Agreed, enforcement by the executive is not delegation.
Is applying a law to obtain an indictment a delegation from Congress of legislative authority? No, its applying the text to conduct.
Judicial review has been counterproductive to liberty since Marshall came up with this idea. The better solution as Jefferson and Madison alluded to in 1798 and 1799 is for a supermajority of the States through their state legislatures to determine if a federal law or directive is "constitutional." The States should have the final say not a bunch of lawyers who often have no idea on economics and lack at times basic common sense. Time for the SC to be stripped of this silly idea.
Good point—if there's any group known for a thorough command of economics, it's state legislators.
"Judicial review has been counterproductive to liberty since Marshall came up with this idea. "
Yup
John Marshall absolutely did not "come up with the idea" of judicial review.
Marshall didn't come up with the idea, and whether review by state legislatures is "better" or not, there's certainly no textual support for the notion that they enacted this idea.
But why should state legislatures, who
oftenalways have no idea on economics and lack at [all] times common sense have the final say?"But insofar as the original meaning of the Constitution does place limits on the delegation of legislative power, founding era characterizations and understandings would be more important than those of today."
Another view might be that Founding era *principles* are what matter. The Founders were trying to achieve certain broad principles with their specific Constitutional provisions, if following these using Founding era 'characterizations and understandings' would, given modern structures, dynamics and institutions, actually undercut those principles then rulings should look to the principles most of all. This wouldn't be 'a-textual' anymore than 'for the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life' is in a Biblical setting.
What you describe here is pretty much Jack Balkin's "Living Originalism."
Run it through the second grade translator.
Nondelegation is a good pragmatic doctrine if you manage to quit figuring our how many Founders can dance on the head of a pin.
Does the text allow delegation? No, then there is none. Yes, then the next step is how much.
How a tax was administrated 220 years ago is of no importance. the early congresses did plenty of unconstitutional things, we don't think the Alien and Sedition acts were constitutional.
And if the text is silent?
'The legislative power' may or may not include delegation.
Early precedents indicate it did back then, so it's hard to argue it does not right now.
One of the problems with this kind of analysis is that the deck is somewhat stacked against non-delegation. If the early Congresses did indeed delegate significant authority, that would seem to prove that non-delegation was not part of the framers' or ratifiers' understanding of the Constitution. But if the early Congresses didn't delegate, it may just mean that they didn't find it necessary, or that it never occurred to them, or whatever. It doesn't necessarily mean they thought they couldn't delegate.
But if the early Congresses didn't delegate, it may just mean that they didn't find it necessary, or that it never occurred to them, or whatever.
Drinkwater, you will have no trouble proving from the writings of Madison and Hamilton that founders arrived at the Philadelphia Convention with problems of insufficient executive power, insufficient executive energy, and insufficient executive organization, uppermost in mind. Abetting those problems they saw as vices the feckless practices of the legislatures of the various states, which time and again frustrated needed and agreed-upon national action by withholding resources. In that context, it is hard to imagine the founders gave much worry to supposed evils of delegating legislative power to the executive.
But, many among the founders did fear usurpation of legislative power—a different issue than delegation. They identified usurpation with royalty. But there was confusion among them about whether the usurpations they themselves had suffered were inflicted royally, or by parliament. The latter interpretation was the more accurate one.
Anyway, if you want to look to the founders for originalist evocations related to executive power, it can be helpful to distinguish the fears of usurpation from the demands for delegation—or at least recognize that groups of founders were divided along those lines.
I think I agree with all that. I was just pointing out that showing in an historical analysis that the early Congresses didn't do significant delegations of their authority isn't really proof that their understanding of the constitution included non-delegation.