The Volokh Conspiracy
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No "Social Worker Exception" from the Fourth Amendment for Home Searches by Child Protection Officials
"[T]he Fourth Amendment applies equally whether the government official is a police officer conducting a criminal investigation or a caseworker conducting a civil child welfare investigation."
From Justice Christine Donohue's majority opinion (joined by Chief Justice Max Baer and Justices Thomas Saylor and David Wecht) in In the Interest of Y.W.-B., decided last week by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court:
A report from an unidentified source provided the sole basis for an allegation that Mother (J.B.) was homeless and had failed to feed one of her children during a single eight-hour period and led to the issuance of an order compelling her to allow the Philadelphia Department of Human Services ("DHS") to enter and inspect the family residence. [We conclude that DHS did not] establish[] sufficient probable cause for the trial court to issue the order permitting entry into the home without consent….
Mother, who is politically active, lives with her two young children ("Y.W.-B" and "N.W.-B") and the children's father ("Father") in Philadelphia. On May 22, 2019, DHS allegedly received a general protective services report ("GPS report") from an unidentified source alleging possible neglect by Mother….
[T]wo allegations were made in the report: first, around three weeks prior to May 21, 2019 (or on approximately May 1, 2019), the unidentified reporter claimed to have observed Mother's family sleeping outside of the Philadelphia Housing Authority. Project Home pursued this allegation with Mother, who denied the family was homeless. Second, on May 21, 2019, the unidentified source apparently indicated that he or she had also observed Mother, with one of her children, protesting outside of the office of the Philadelphia Housing Authority from noon until eight in the evening, and that it was "unknown" if Mother had fed the child during that eight-hour time period….
The same source provided DHS with the address of the family home. Project Home, a Philadelphia organization that attempts to alleviate homelessness, dispatched a worker on May 22, 2019 to approach Mother. In response to the Project Home worker's questions, Mother stated that she was at the Philadelphia Housing Authority to protest and that she was not homeless, although she indicated that a previous home had been involved in a fire.
Later that same day, Tamisha Richardson, a DHS caseworker, … arrived at [the family home, where] she encountered Father, who denied Richardson entry into the residence and called Mother, who then spoke with her over the phone. Mother reiterated that she was protesting at the Philadelphia Housing Authority on May 21st and denied that she had either of the children with her on that date. Shortly thereafter, Mother arrived at the family home with the children and ushered them into the house. Mother informed Richardson that she would not allow her into the home absent a court order….
DHS then sought court orders authorizing an in-home visit; part of the basis was "the family's prior involvement with DHS, which consisted of a dependency matter that began in 2013 when DHS received a GPS report indicating that the family home 'was in deplorable condition; that there were holes in the walls; that the home was infested with fleas; that the home lacked numerous interior walls; that the interior structure of the home was exposed; that the home lacked hot water service and heat; and that the home appeared to be structurally unsound.'" That 2013 matter led the parent's older child to be "adjudicated dependent and committed to DHS" for nearly two years (the younger child hadn't been born at the time).
The majority held that an order permitting a home visit by social workers requires pretty much the same sort of showing of probable cause that's needed for searches of homes for evidence of crime.
DHS contends that social service agencies "should not be hampered from performing their duties because they have not satisfied search and seizure jurisprudence developed in the context of purely criminal law." Relying upon Wyman v. James, 400 U.S. 309 (1971) and Camara v. Municipal Court of the City and County of San Francisco, 387 U.S. 523 (1967), DHS contends that the protection of children is an essential societal value and thus the interests it serves through home visits are more worthy of the public's concern than are Mother's interests in the protection of the sanctity of her home. Finally, DHS further insists that unlike an entry into a home to search for evidence of a crime, a child protective home assessment is nothing more than a "minimally invasive spot-check" for evidence of neglect (e.g., like confirmation that the home had basic utilities, food and beds).
We disagree with DHS's position. The evidentiary principles used to guide an analysis of whether sufficient evidence exists to establish probable cause has developed over many years in a wide variety of contexts…. "It evidences no lack of concern for the victims of child abuse or lack of respect for the problems associated with its prevention to observe that child abuse is not sui generis in this context. The Fourth Amendment caselaw has been developed in a myriad of situations involving very serious threats to individuals and society, and we find no suggestion there that the governing principles should vary depending on the court's assessment of the gravity of the societal risk involved. We find no indication that the principles developed in the emergency situation cases we have heretofore discussed will be ill suited for addressing cases like the one before us."
This basic principle, namely that the requirement of probable cause to permit entry into a private home is not excused based upon any relative perceived societal importance, was further articulated by the United States Supreme Court in Mincey v. Arizona, 437 U.S. 385 (1978). In Mincey, the police argued that the extreme importance of the immediate investigation of murders justified a warrantless search of a murder scene. The Supreme Court emphatically disagreed: "[T]he State points to the vital public interest in the prompt investigation of the extremely serious crime of murder. No one can doubt the importance of this goal. But the public interest in the investigation of other serious crimes is comparable. If the warrantless search of a homicide scene is reasonable, why not the warrantless search of the scene of a rape, a robbery, or a burglary? 'No consideration relevant to the Fourth Amendment suggests any point of rational limitation' of such a doctrine."
The Wyman and Camara cases relied on by DHS do not support its position. At issue in Wyman was a New York regulation that was part of a program to provide aid to dependent children (i.e., children in families who qualified for welfare). The regulation required social workers to make an initial home visit and subsequent periodic visits for public financial aid to begin and thereafter to continue. The Supreme Court concluded that the home visits in this circumstance did not violate the Fourth Amendment. In so ruling, the Court focused on the public interest in insuring that state tax monies are spent on their proper objects and encouraging welfare recipients to return to self-sufficiency; the limited scope of the entry and its consensual nature; the fact that the recipients were entitled to advance notice; and the fact that all welfare recipients were subjected to the entries, which thus were not based on individualized suspicion of wrongdoing.
The circumstances of the recipients of financial aid in Wyman differ significantly and substantially from those of Mother in this case. In Wyman, the persons at issue affirmatively sought financial benefits to which they were not automatically entitled to receive. The Court ruled that a state can lawfully condition the receipt of benefits on various conditions, including comprehensive disclosure of the applicant's financial status. In addition, the state can lawfully take steps, such as periodic inspections of recipients' homes, to ensure that fraud is not occurring and that the recipients remain entitled to continued benefits.
Under Wyman, the diminishment of privacy of the recipients of the benefits was a quid pro quo for receiving the welfare payments. The recipients consented to the inspections in exchange for the receipt of benefits. In the present case, by contrast, Mother sought nothing from DHS other than her basic right to be left alone. The government cannot condition a parent's right to raise her children on periodic home inspection unsupported by probable cause.
In Camara, the Supreme Court addressed a circumstance where a San Francisco tenant challenged a city code provision that allowed health and safety inspectors to conduct warrantless searches of apartments to check for possible code violations. The Court began by emphasizing that an administrative inspection for possible violations of a city's housing code was a "significant intrusion upon the interests protected by the Fourth Amendment[.]" The Court then rejected any contention that the Fourth Amendment only protects citizens from searches to obtain evidence of a crime, but does not apply to civil administrative searches….
The Court also recognized, however, that an administrative inspection for possible violations of a city's housing code posed a unique situation, since unlike searches of a specific residence for a particular purpose (i.e., to find evidence of a crime), the investigation programs at issue were "aimed at securing city-wide compliance with minimum physical standards for private property[,]" and that even a single unintentional violation could result in serious hazards to public health and safety, e.g., a fire or an epidemic that could ravage a large urban area. Accordingly, given this distinctive circumstance, the Court concluded that probable cause to issue a warrant to inspect exists "if reasonable legislative or administrative standards for conducting an area inspection are satisfied with respect to a particular dwelling."
Camara has no application with respect to home visits to investigate allegations of child neglect. Unlike in Camara, which involved an agency's decision to conduct an area inspection based upon its appraisal of the conditions in the area as a whole to protect the public, probable cause to conduct a home visit depends upon whether probable cause exists to justify the entry into a particular home based upon credible evidence that child neglect may be occurring in that particular home.
Moreover, and importantly, the scope of the search in the present case was in no respect limited to ensuring compliance with certain identified housing code violations. The search here allowed DHS investigators to search the home, including every room, closet and drawer in the home, based entirely upon their own discretion. In short, while the search here was not conducted by law enforcement, its scope bore little or no relation to a traditional administrative search. As such, the contention that Camara's holding that administrative searches on an area basis are permitted where "reasonable legislative and administrative standards are satisfied"16 is insufficient to allow the exhaustive search of the entirety of family's home without a clear showing, based upon competent and, as necessary, corroborated, evidence establishing individualized suspicion exists allowing entry into a private home.
The court likewise rejected analogies to other "dragnet search" cases that have been upheld under a "special needs" rationale:
Dragnet searches are not predicated on individualized showings of probable cause, nor indeed on any kind of individualized suspicion. On the contrary, the hallmark of a dragnet search is its generality, as it reaches everyone in a category rather than only a chosen few. In addition to the safety-related inspection of every home in a given area in Camara, other dragnets include checkpoints where government officials stop, for example, every car or every third car driving on a particular roadway, and drug testing programs that require every person involved in a given activity to submit to urinalysis.
Dragnet searches are justified if they satisfy a balance of interests and are necessary because a regime of individualized suspicion could not effectively serve the government's interest. In Camara, the Court suggested that if the legislative standards were reasonable, probable cause existed because "the only effective way to seek universal compliance with the minimum standards required by municipal codes is through routine periodic inspections of all structures." Based on this rationale, there could not reasonably be an individual suspicion because the inspections are routine and periodic…. The Court has subsequently found that the traditional probable cause standard "may be unhelpful in analyzing the reasonableness of routine administrative functions." Nat'l Treasury Emps. Union v. Von Raab, 489 U.S. 656, 668 (1989). In Von Raab, a case involving a routine search that set out to prevent hazardous conditions from developing, the Court found that such searches can be conducted "without any measure of individualized suspicion."
And the court rejected analogies to "a separate category of administrative searches for groups of people shown to possess reduced expectations of privacy, including students, New Jersey v. T.L.O., 469 U.S. 325, 340 (1985), government employees, O'Connor v. Ortega, 480 U.S. 709, 725 (1987), probationers, Griffin v. Wisconsin, 483 U.S. 868, 879 (1987), and parolees, Samson v. California, 547 U.S. 843, 847 (2006)."
A child protection home inspection order like the one at issue here is neither a dragnet search nor a search of an individual with a reduced expectation of privacy. It is not a dragnet-type search because it does not involve home visits of all homes in an area for a limited purpose as in Camara to inspect wiring. Home visits by DHS are in no sense "routine and periodic," but rather must be based upon credible allegations of evidence of neglect occurring in the specified home. Mother likewise has no reduced expectation of privacy in the sanctity of her home based upon any suspicion of potential wrongdoing (like with, e.g., probationers and paroles), and DHS does not rely on the Griffin or Samson line of cases. As a result, while home visits in the child neglect context are conducted by civil government officials rather than members of law enforcement, they do not fit within the two categories of "administrative searches" entitled to reduced Fourth Amendment and Article 1, Section 8 protections….
We expressly hold that there is no "social worker exception" to compliance with constitutional limitations on an entry into a home without consent or exigent circumstances. While most often applied with respect to the police, the United States Supreme Court has ruled that "[t]he basic purpose of [the Fourth] Amendment … is to safeguard the privacy and security of individuals against arbitrary invasions by governmental officials." As a result, the Fourth Amendment applies equally whether the government official is a police officer conducting a criminal investigation or a caseworker conducting a civil child welfare investigation.
We thus join the vast majority of other federal and state courts in explicitly recognizing that the Fourth Amendment (and our own Article I, Section 8) applies to searches conducted in civil child neglect proceedings, which have the same potential for unreasonable government intrusion into the sanctity of the home. See, e.g., Andrews v. Hickman Cty., Tenn., 700 F.3d 845, 863-64 (6th Cir. 2012) ("Fourth Amendment standards are the same, whether the state actor is a law enforcement officer or a social worker."); Roska ex rel. Roska v. Peterson, 328 F.3d 1230, 1250 n. 23 (10th Cir. 2003) ("[A]bsent probable cause and a warrant or exigent circumstances, social workers may not enter an individual's home for the purpose of taking a child into protective custody."); Walsh, 240 F. Supp. 2d at 746-47 ("[A]ssertions to the contrary notwithstanding, [there is] no social worker exception to the strictures of the Fourth Amendment."); People v. Dyer, 457 P.3d 783, 789 (Colo. App. 2019); State in Interests of A.R., 937 P.2d 1037, 1040 (Utah Ct. App. 1997), aff'd sub nom., State ex rel. A.R. v. C.R., 982 P.2d 73 (Utah 1999); In re Diane P., 494 N.Y.S.2d 881, 883-85 (1985); In re Robert P., 132 Cal. Rptr. 5, 11-12 (Cal. Dist. Ct. App. 1976) (stating that the Fourth Amendment applies in civil child protective proceeding)….
The court also held that probable cause wasn't shown on these facts.
Justice Kevin Dougherty, joined by Justice Debra Todd, agreed with the majority that there wasn't sufficient basis for the intrusion into the home, but would have applied a lower standard for probable cause. Justice Sallie Mundy didn't opine in detail on what Fourth Amendment standards were called for here, but concluded that the probable cause requirement was satisfied. My apologies for the long excerpt, but the opinions, put together, are over 30,000 words long.
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How can they search the home of a homeless "mother"?
Maybe the idea was that the mother and kids don't really live at that house, but they are on good enough terms with the kids' father that he lets them in the house for some other reason? (Although if that were the case, it seems like he would have important privacy rights at issue too.)
It doesn't add up to me, either.
This is a rare decision that was correct.
If you are an average woman, which would you prefer, 30 days in jail or losing a child for 2 years? The dumbass lawyer is too stupid to understand the severity of the punitive effect of regulatory actions. We are sick of the stupidity of this most toxic occupation of all. It is 10 times more toxic than organized crime, and must be crushed with mass executions of its vile hierarchy, after an hour's fair trial. To deter.
The fact that she has a home when the anonymous informant said she was homeless serves as a bit of a clue that the allegations about her have some credibility problems.
" The same source [who had reported the family to be homeless] provided DHS with the address of the family home. "
That one was grating for me, too.
Sounds like swatting by DHS.
In what sense? I usually think of swatting as involving a heavily armed team of police who are told to expect a volatile and dangerous situation, leading to danger for the people being raided. I wouldn't classify other false reports as swatting just because they are intended to result in an improper search; that dilutes the risk profile too much.
Getting their kids taken away is a pretty big risk. It's not a perfect analogy, but it's not too far off.
And since she was protesting PHA at the time the unidentified source made the complaint, it's not too hard to guess where that call came from or why.
There is a process -- not always what is due, but something -- before kids are taken away. And kids can be returned, even though that kind of separation can lead to long-lasting problems. In a swatting, people can be (and have been) killed. I wouldn't wish either effect on someone, but they are not really that comparable.
What analogy do you suggest, instead?
I would call it an attempted kidnapping by the government.
The initial report was apparently maliciously motivated in reaction to the mother's activism, and that's one problem.
The more significant problem is how the Department of Human Services reacted: By taking a report that had some clear signs of being flawed (for example, it being "unknown" whether she fed her kids during one specific time window) and using that as an excuse to harass her. I think that is a fairly common pattern of behavior, as documented by reports in Reason and other media, and the best summary of how and why those processes offend common sense is to call them attempted kidnapping by the government.
"more significant problem is how the Department of Human Services reacted"
They always react this way. Especially if the mother is poor.
Yes, that's why it is more significant. They should be applying some scrutiny to the claims landing in front of them, but that would be effort that reduces the (potential) scope of their power. There are insufficient incentives for them to behave the way that a typical member of the general public would like them to behave.
The incentive problem here is that if DHS doesn't act on a complaint and the child then dies, they will get massive bad publicity. So they have to take every complaint seriously, at least to the point of looking into it. The first time a social worker says, "This is a stupid complaint and I'm ignoring it" and the child later is found beaten to death by a stepfather, the Department will spend years from digging out from under the negative publicity.
And, on the other side of the ledger, there is no disincentive for them to over-react. It's damn near impossible to successfully sue DHS, and as has already been pointed out, judges usually side with them, because they don't want negative publicity if a child dies either. So this is a situation in which all of the incentives are on one side.
I think there needs to be a balance in which it's easier to sue DHS than it currently is, and in which judges act with a bit more skepticism, but that's not currently how the law works.
" The incentive problem here is that if DHS doesn't act on a complaint and the child then dies, they will get massive bad publicity. "
I can think of at least one incentive (problem) beyond bad publicity in the context of fatal child abuse.
Exactly. Take away a child for insufficient reason, and the family gets upset. Fail to take away a child and the kid dies, heads roll. This incentive problem applies in many regulatory contexts. If the FDA stalls in approving a drug, lots of people may suffer — but only the drug company knows why. (Absent unique circumstances like a pandemic.) If they approve a drug and then a bunch of people suffer severe side effects, it makes headlines.
A family gets upset.
A child dies needlessly.
These things seem dissimilar.
Arthur, they are dissimilar, but that's not entirely the point. And I think you underestimate the massive trauma done to children who are wrongly torn away from their parents; being taken away from your parents can inflict grave scars on a child emotionally for life. It should not be done lightly, and only as a last resort rather than a first resort.
The problem here is that, as with most things, Americans seem to be unable to do anything in moderation; it's one extreme or the other. We've gone from children being the chattel property of their parents, which was not a good thing, to having an unaccountable DHS be able to wreak general havoc on families with no recourse, and that's not a good thing either.
I would allow DHS to be sued for negligence under a reasonable person standard with no deference whatsoever: Would a reasonable person believe that an anonymous complaint that contains allegations that have not yet been investigated and substantiated justifies tearing up a family? I think most reasonable people would answer that question in the negative. I would also require that children be removed only as a last resort, not a first resort, and only after a judge has approved. That way, you still protect children that need protecting while not having a runaway government agency destroy lives unnecessarily.
Where? All that's needed is a statement from a Social Worker. There's not a Judge around who will take the chance that the Social Worker is wrong. It's too easy for the Judge to be slammed for it in the next election cycle. Then the burden of proof is on the parent to get the child back.
In 1990 I testified in front of a Judge that I heard a Social Worker bragging about having a new born removed from her Mother because of a grudge from High School. There was no cause, the Social Worker made the entire thing up, told the Judge and got an order.
If memory serves, there's a case from Ohio in which a police officer and social worker forced their way into a home and then, when they got sued, argued that there was a Fourth Amendment exception for protecting children. The courts didn't buy it in that case either, and I believe it then settled.
"If the warrantless search of a homicide scene is reasonable, why not the warrantless search of the scene of a rape, a robbery, or a burglary?"
In the geofence thread I remarked there was no balancing test. Maybe this Supreme Court quotation is why. If they can get a warrant in a murder case, they can get a warrant for pointing a finger at a police officer or politician (because the finger might be a symbol of a gun, and you can file a motion to dismiss after you've been beaten up and dragged into court if you disagree).
Glad to see that Max Baer's career change has worked out well for him.
He's done a lot with his sixth grade education.
Isn't child abuse a crime?
This was a civil investigation of possible neglect, not abuse.
Neglect might be a crime too but here it is a civil offense possibly justifying a removal order or placing the children in government custody. Government does not have to prove neglect beyond a reasonable doubt, I think its clear and convincing but it been a while.
Eugene Volokh apparently supports the rights of cyber stalkers, cyber harassers, cyber criminals who use "Free Speech" as an excuse to dox, harass, stalk victims who have no way of fighting back. Eugene Volokh has been fighting every single state law that would help protect victims of cyberstalking and doxing. He has no consideration for the disruption to the lives of the victims from disclosure of harmful, private, or other malicious content online. He has no consideration for the malice and intentionality of the criminals who hide behind VPNs and perpetuate their harassment campaigns anonymously. If you look through his works and articles, he has never mentioned the disruption and impact to victims of cyberstalking and cyber harassment, many who are driven to suicide.
To Eugene, the entire spectrum of human conduct online falls under "Free Speech", almost no exceptions. Doxing, targeted harassment, stalking, disclose of private information about people to torment, even blackmail, are all perfectly legal to him because they artificially involve speech. He refuses to label these abhorrent behavior for what they are - courses of conduct rather than speech, crimes against human safety, privacy, and dignity. It is likely that he probably gets bribes from Google and Big Tech to fight against the passing of any modern laws that would help regulate harmful content on the internet and do something to stop cyberbullying and help victims. This man appears to have no empathy for victims of these abhorrent crimes and also does not even acknowledge the difference between internet communications which are instantaneous, unfiltered, and often anonymous, and traditional printed speech. Despite being a so called "First Amendment" expert, he apparently cannot even see that the First Amendment was ratified in 1791 by people who never even thought about the eventual advent of a global internet. I don't think the Founding Fathers would have intended the First Amendment to apply to people maliciously doxing victims or posting their private information all over the web to maliciously harass them. Eugene makes absolutely no mention of these critical factors.
Not once in any of his papers or articles does he even mention the impact of cyberstalking to victims and the need for Congress to legislate. Not once does he even mention that the internet has made it too convenient to invade people's privacy for malicious reasons and privacy laws need to be updated to counter this intrusion. He is paid by Big Tech behind the scenes to shill First Amendment expansionism to the point where it covers almost all criminal behavior online.
The Founding Fathers literally paid people to maliciously write things about their political opponents.
Doxing is not a crime, it's almost always sharing public information. Do you think phone books were a Big Tech plot too?
So it's not a crime to purposely gather information about someone in such a way to harass or stalk them or to cause them emotional or financial harm?
You don't think that should be a crime? You think someone should be allowed to make such a blog about you, have this show up on Google search about you, and as a result you can't find a job? You don't think this is legally actionable? What if this person was doing this to harass you or to intentionally cause you damage?
Correct. Of course, an otherwise illegal act doesn't become legal because one is gathering information; I can't break into someone's house to get information.
Obviously, the way one uses information may be a crime. But not the act of gathering it.
No.
Are the statements about you on the blog true or false? If they're false, then they are in fact actionable. But if one did something that leads to such moral opprobrium, then the problem lies with the fact that one did it, not the fact that someone else truthfully reported it.
Do the statements become more or less true based on the motive of the speaker?
I was really happy to see this decision. My firm filed an amicus brief, because (among other reasons) we had done the original "In re Petition to Compel" that was the foundation for this decision.
Exposing failure of government to provide services motivates retaliation. In this case, fines would be of no utility, as the Mother was protesting the agency’s failures. Their only recourse, lacking resources to fulfill their mission, was to attack the unsatisfied recipient of services, by taking her children. Pretty much, the ethical opposite of their mission.
Eugene Volokh's articles and arguments, if you strip them to its core, is basically trying to destroy all types of regulations and law that would make the Internet a bit safer and prevent crimes like cyberstalking, cyberharassment from destroying victims' lives while preserving Free Speech. It's a balancing act. Free Speech is important, but so is individual privacy and protection from malicious behavior. Volokh completely (and purposefully) ignores the balancing part.
Eugene Volokh's view is, apparently, that most online harms like doxing, harassment, stalking are perfectly legal (and should be perfectly legal!) simply because they involve "speech." He uses the First Amendment has a liability shield to absolve almost the entire spectrum of human conduct (including the vile, abhorrent, and malicious) from not just criminal liability, but also civil liability. He leaves victims of these crimes with no laws or legal standing to defend themselves from purposely malicious individuals who aim to take advantage of these legal loopholes to destroy lives, and he probably makes a good amount of money from taking back-end bribes from Big Tech (several of his "papers" were funded by Google, but I bet most people didn't pick up on that).
If you notice, several of his papers support "Free Speech" and lack of "search engine liability" are funded by Google. The guy is taking money from Big Tech to fight against the laws that would hold Big Tech accountable for their intentionally condoning harmful behavior online. Eugene Volokh's analysis is inaccurate, harmful to society, and he treats victims of online crimes as dispensable collateral damage.
Eugene Volokh's arguments are specious at best and harmful to society at worst.
Eugene Volokh's articles and arguments, if you strip them to its core, is basically trying to destroy all types of regulations and law that would make the Internet a bit safer and prevent crimes like cyberstalking, cyberharassment from destroying victims' lives while preserving Free Speech. It's a balancing act. Free Speech is important, but so is individual privacy and protection from malicious behavior. Volokh completely (and purposefully) ignores the balancing part.
Eugene Volokh's view is, apparently, that most online harms like doxing, harassment, stalking are perfectly legal (and should be perfectly legal!) simply because they involve "speech." He uses the First Amendment has a liability shield to absolve almost the entire spectrum of human conduct (including the vile, abhorrent, and malicious) from not just criminal liability, but also civil liability. He leaves victims of these crimes with no laws or legal standing to defend themselves from purposely malicious individuals who aim to take advantage of these legal loopholes to destroy lives, and he probably makes a good amount of money from taking back-end bribes from Big Tech (several of his "papers" were funded by Google, but I bet most people didn't pick up on that).
If you notice, several of his papers support "Free Speech" and lack of "search engine liability" are funded by Google. The guy is taking money from Big Tech to fight against the laws that would hold Big Tech accountable for their intentionally condoning harmful behavior online. Eugene Volokh's analysis is inaccurate, harmful to society, and he treats victims of online crimes as dispensable collateral damage.
As for victims of these vile online behavior who commit suicide because they have nowhere to turn, Eugene turns a blind eye to this and doesn't give a rat's a**. He's trying to overturn all laws that would help protect Americans' online safety and privacy. In fact, over 80% of Americans actually would support a Right to be Forgotten to have unnecessary, stalking, and harmful information about themselves removed from search engines.