No, SCOTUS Did Not 'Invent' Judicial Review in Marbury v. Madison
The Supreme Court’s power to nullify legislative and executive acts is inherent in the Constitution.
You may have heard that the U.S. Supreme Court "invented" the power of judicial review in a case called Marbury v. Madison (1803).
If you're on the political left, you may have heard it from someone like New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie, who once argued that judicial review "wasn't enumerated in the Constitution and isn't inherent in the [Supreme Court] as an institution." For Bouie, that meant the idea of abolishing judicial review was a no-brainer in the fight against "judges nominated by [President Donald] Trump."
If you're on the political right, you may have heard it from someone like the conservative influencer Mike Cernovich, who recently argued that judicial review "isn't anywhere in the Constitution" and "Marbury vs Madison was made up." For Cernovich, that meant "judges do not have any supervisory power over Trump."
Bouie and Cernovich undoubtedly disagree about a great many political matters. Yet their comments about judicial review and the Constitution are practically identical. They also happen to be equally wrong.
You’re reading Injustice System from Damon Root and Reason. Get more of Damon’s commentary on constitutional law and American history.
Under Article III of the Constitution, "the judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish." That phrase—"the judicial Power"—was understood by both the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution to include the authority of the federal courts to nullify those legislative and executive actions that violated the Constitution, which is the same power that we now call judicial review.
During the Connecticut Ratification Convention in 1788, for example, Oliver Ellsworth, who had recently helped to draft the document at the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, explained that, "if the general legislature should at any time overleap their limits, the judicial department is a constitutional check. If the United States go beyond their powers, if they make a law which the Constitution does not authorize, it is void; and the judicial power, the national judges, who, to secure their impartiality, are to be made independent, will declare it to be void." That's judicial review.
Alexander Hamilton made the same point in one of his most famous contributions to the Federalist Papers, the influential series of essays (written by himself, James Madison, and John Jay between October 1787 and May 1788) that both explained the meaning of the new Constitution and championed its ratification. The "duty" of the federal judiciary, Hamilton observed in Federalist No. 78, "must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the constitution void."
Even Thomas Jefferson, who would later decry the Federalist Party's influence over the federal judiciary, agreed at the time of the Constitution's adoption that judicial review was inherent in the document. In a 1789 letter to Madison, for instance, Jefferson argued that one of the benefits of adding a Bill of Rights to the new Constitution would be "the legal check which it puts into the hands of the judiciary." In other words, Jefferson expected the federal courts to wield the proposed Bill of Rights as a check against the legislative and executive branches via the judiciary's existing power of judicial review.
Speaking of Madison, he memorably described the proper role of the federal courts under the Constitution as being "an impenetrable bulwark against every assumption of power in the legislative or executive." That's also what we now call judicial review.
So, instead of listening to the erroneous musings of a Bouie or a Cernovich, why not just take it straight from the source and listen to Ellsworth, Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison, all of whom agreed that the power of judicial review is right there in the Constitution.
Editor's Note: As of February 29, 2024, commenting privileges on reason.com posts are limited to Reason Plus subscribers. Past commenters are grandfathered in for a temporary period. Subscribe here to preserve your ability to comment. Your Reason Plus subscription also gives you an ad-free version of reason.com, along with full access to the digital edition and archives of Reason magazine. We request that comments be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment and ban commenters for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please to post comments
"The "duty" of the federal judiciary, Hamilton observed in Federalist No. 78, "must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the constitution void.""
I do not disagree with that, but why did they not make that authority more explicit in the body of the Constitution itself?
That's a good question that comes up for a lot of constitutional issues. The Constitution is a pretty sparse document, not written in lawyers' legalese like modern bills. Maybe a sign of simpler times or maybe an attempted safeguard against lawyers parsing words to define loopholes.
My guess is that the founders thought that this goes without saying. If there are 3 co-equal branches, you have to have judicial review because without it, the judiciary is powerless for checks and balances. It was also a long established power in English common law thus implied in the phrase "judicial power."
Because the last thing lawyers want is the clarity which would let The People dispense with lawyers when interpreting laws and the Constitution.
Interesting. We had the same take, but in opposite directions if I'm interpreting your comment correctly.
I was thinking the founders were mostly non-lawyers and kept it vague knowing the more verbose a document, the greater the chance it can be corrupted.
Your take seems to be it was left vague intentionally to let lawyers corrupt the document. I cannot argue that this makes a lot of sense; more sense than what I wrote, but it does contradict my idea of the founders. Maybe I need to check my notion that the founders were moral men of good intention. Either way, food for thought and further research.
This popped on just this morning, all about that "general welfare" clause in the preamble.
https://substack.com/@cavemaneconomist/note/c-183330610
Far as I know, most of the founders were lawyers.
I cut most of the founders a lot of slack because the Constitution is a damned fine first draft and there was nothing even close to it before. But Hamilton, for one, wanted a powerful central government, and Adams threw newspaper editors and publishers in jail just 7 years after the First Amendment was ratified. Far as I'm concerned, they both paid lip service to federalism and enumerated powers.
Reallynotbob lefy a comment on Volokh which brags about this lack of clarity:
https://reason.com/volokh/2022/07/19/two-kinds-of-laws-clear-and-ambiguous/?comments=true#comment-9605397
He doesn't come right out and say lack of clarity is necessary, but I can't see any other interpretation. Judges know best, and the rest of us can just sit down and shut up.
Good read. Thanks. Now I have a new gripe of a lost limit on federal power. I never thought about general welfare being limiting language, but it makes sense. What purpose does the word "general" serve if not to qualify "welfare."
I guess whatever the framers intended, the way it worked out is certainly consistent with your comment and polar opposite of mine.
I too never thought that preamble clause meant anything legally. But I should have known better.
LOL
ya funny.
I would argue that they certainly did.
Article III, Section 2, continues (emphasis added):
Jurisdiction as to Law is "Judicial Review."
Then "Marbury v. Madison" is redundant and there should not have been any controversy in that case.
Yet you have an oxymoron there.
If Congress passed UN-Constitutional legislature empowering the Executive it isn't the Executive who needs put under Judicial review. It is the legislature.
Which is precisely the problem in recent 'Judicial Reviews' getting accusations. The judiciary cannot rule JUST-Trumps Executive actions as UN-Constitutional while allowing the very legislation the executive is exercising under is allowed to stand. That's not justice for all. That is party-partisan bias.
ALL the UN-Constitutional legislation needs to be ruled UN-Constitutional as it obviously is.
If Congress passed UN-Constitutional legislature empowering the Executive it isn't the Executive who needs put under Judicial review. It is the legislature.
Neither congress nor the executive is under judicial review; only the law granting the power or the assumption of power is.
Far-better wording. Thank you.
So, instead of listening to the erroneous musings of a Bouie or a Cernovich, why not just take it straight from the source and listen to Ellsworth, Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison, all of whom agreed that the power of judicial review is right there in the Constitution.
I think Bouie or Cernovich, if forced to answer honestly, would say "Because it allows the party I favor to run roughshod over the Constitution, and I'm stupid enough to believe they would do that only in ways with which I agree."
Bro says the power is in the constitution, then goes on to admit it's not an enumerated power in the constitution.
then goes on to admit it's not an enumerated power in the constitution.
It's a matter of semantics. But if we take your point to its logical conclusion, SC judges can't issue writs - or indeed, do anything at all because what "judicial power" encompasses isn't specified.
It is odd that the writers of the constitution wrote an ambiguous document then spent massive amount of effort to explain what it means. If they though SCOTUS had judicial review, they should have put that in the constitution.
And you still don’t understand it, Dr. Retard.
RTMFC
Under Article III of the Constitution, "the judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish." That phrase—"the judicial Power"—was understood by both the framers and ratifiers of the Constitution to include the authority of the federal courts to nullify those legislative and executive actions that violated the Constitution, which is the same power that we now call judicial review.
Broad powers is not something that can be read between the lines. It should be explicitly written. Especially since the US Constitution is one of enumerated powers.
How does one know the difference between a power not granted because it is not enumerated, and a power that is granted because it is "understood to mean"?
Broad powers is not something that can be read between the lines. It should be explicitly written. Especially since the US Constitution is one of enumerated powers.
I tend to agree, especially towards people who use the "Necessary and Proper" clause of the "General Welfare" cause, neither of which are in the sections of the Constitution devoted to enumerating powers to the respective branches of government, to claim the laws they prefer are Constitutional. I hope you also feel this way.
However, in the example presented in this article we have the text within the part of the Constitution that assigns powers to the Judicial Branch. How else would the Judicial Branch act as a check against the other two branches if not through judicial review and potential nullification of laws drafted by the Legislative Branch and actions taken by the Executive Branch?
How does one know the difference between a power not granted because it is not enumerated, and a power that is granted because it is "understood to mean"?
Perhaps by examining other writings of the time? As was done in this article? Do you really expect a group of people in the late 18th century to anticipate the terminology of the 21st century?
false.
Whatever I, personally, want the government to do is constitutional; whatever I, personally, don't want the government to do is unconstitutional.
Holy based
"Original Intent" is the ONLY justified and justifiable way for the Supreme Court to operate. Every decision that the majority hands down, regardless of the source of the issue or the issue to be decided itself, should comply with the original intent of the Framers of the Constituion. There is no such thing as a "living document" Constitution. A living document CANNOT be a constitution by definition. The classic objection frequently stated as "the American colonists did not have machine guns, aircraft or nuclear bombs" is totally bypassed by a resort to original intent: i.e. what is the weapon intended to be used for and how does it fit into the plain language of "a well-regulated militia" and the concept of "the maintenance of a free state." If you want to allege that the Framers were not intelligent enough to foresee advances in arms technology, just try to explain why they worded it as "keep and bear arms" instead of "keep and bear muskets, pistols, swords and cannon!"
What would the point be of the Bill of Rights if there was no judicial review? There'd be no way they could be enforced. Its like they'd just be suggestions.