The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

A Bit on Pentagon Contractor's Wiretapping Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group

|

First, a quick summary from today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

Mannina sued on various grounds; I discussed the court's treatment of plaintiff's defamation and false light claim in this post, and its treatment of the fraudulent misrepresentation claim in this post. Here's what the court had to say about the wiretapping claim:

Read More

Free Speech

Pentagon Contractor's Fraudulent Misrepresentation Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group Can Go Forward

|

From today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

Mannina sued on various grounds; I discussed the court's treatment of plaintiff's defamation and false light claim in a separate post, but here's what the court had to say about the fraudulent misrepresentation claim:

A claim of fraudulent misrepresentation requires proof of "(1) a false representation (2) made in reference to a material fact, (3) with knowledge of its falsity, (4) with the intent to deceive, and (5) an action that is taken in reliance upon the representation." Plaintiff alleges that [redacted] "knowingly and deliberately misrepresented herself to Mr. Mannina for the purpose of targeting and entrapping him into making remarks that could be distorted for political and harmful purposes." Using her "inauthentic profile," falsely represented she was romantically interested in Plaintiff, when in fact "[s]he was simply part of an intentional targeted operation against individuals perceived to be Democrats to materially and falsely discredit them." And her false representations were "material to inducing" Plaintiff to go on the two dates with [redacted] and discuss his views and career.

{OMG and O'Keefe's motion does not itself offer any substantive arguments [apparently referring to arguments related to the elements of the fraudulent misrepresentation claim]. It rather accuses Plaintiff of "blam[ing] a lady for not being honest as to her motives" instead of "blaming himself for having a big mouth and spilling secrets." Apparently, his "audacity is similar to a man who kills his parents and then throws himself upon the mercy of the court, claiming that he is an orphan."}

Defendants first appeal to the First Amendment. They contend that the First Amendment precludes a fraud claim against undercover journalists both because "a plaintiff cannot use a fraud label to end-run the constitutional safeguards that apply to speech about matters of public concern" and because the First Amendment "does not countenance using fraud claim to punish the publication of truthful information on a matter of public concern." …

Read More

Free Speech

Pentagon Contractor's Libel Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group Can Go Forward

|

From today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

The publication of these videos caused Plaintiff to lose his job. Plaintiff subsequently brought this action alleging defamation, false light, fraudulent misrepresentation, conspiracy, and violations of the District of Columbia and federal wiretapping statutes….

Plaintiff alleges that, "[t]hrough numerous edits and splices from statements made throughout both dates, and even between each date, the various videos and articles … were created to intentionally provide false or implied evidence to support Defendant OMG and O'Keefe's fabricated claims that [Plaintiff] was essentially attempting to launch an unlawful coup against President Trump."

Specifically, he alleges that "Defendants falsely state or imply in their [publications] that Mr. Mannina was a senior Pentagon Official providing direct advice to the [Joint Staff] and part of a subversive 'Deep State' that held covert meetings with retired military leaders, including admirals and generals, who were collaborating from within the Pentagon on the means to undermine and counteract the incoming Trump administration … in highly secure locations, including 'The Tank', that were 'reserved for critical defense deliberations.'" "Defendants further falsely state or imply that [Plaintiff], in his official capacity, was lying, spying, conspiring to commit a coup, and acting unethically." …

Read More

Free Speech

"I Rushed out Already Moist. My Mouth. I Want My Face. We Just Carry It On."

|

From the Complaint in Kivler v. Wolf Licensee LLC, just removed to E.D. Pa.:

E.K., is a 16-year-old student athlete, who won her [wrestling] match at the district championship.

Shortly after being crowned district champion on February 21, 2024 [likely a typo for 2026 -EV], a reporter from Fox56 (Wolf) requested to interview E.K, and E.K. agreed. During this recorded interview, E.K. described the match and her strategy for how she planned to prevail.

However, on February 24, 2026, Defendants published the Article that did not use the quote E.K. provided, but rather an entirely different quote that E.K. never said and completely inconsistent with the recorded audio. Specifically, the Article attributed the following quote to E.K, a young girl: "I rushed out already moist. My mouth. I want my face. We just carry it on. So I knew what she was going to go for. Somebody gets it. I knew she was going to make a few mistakes, but not everybody makes mistakes. They were was. 20."

Read More

Cert Denied, Cert Delayed, Cert Granted

In at least four cases, the Court denied cert over three dissentals, and then resolved the same issue a year or more later.

|

As I reviewed the wall of receipts for cert denials, I noticed something of a pattern. In several cases, the Supreme Court denied certiorari over three dissenting votes. Invariably those three dissenters were Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch, though in some cases Justice Kavanaugh provides the third. Yet, a year or more later, the Court resolved the same or similar issue that was presented in another case. In recent years, the Court has taken to relisting a petition before granting it to make sure there are no vehicle problems. Indeed, some cases are relisted for months at end, only to be granted, like the AR-15 case. But in a handful of cases, the path to a cert grant is a cert denial.

Consider four examples.

In July 2021, the Supreme Court denied cert in Arlene's Flowers v. Washington, over dissents from Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. This case had started way back in 2013. Two months later a cert petition was filed in 303 Creative v. Elenis, which was granted in February 2022. In June 2023, the Court ruled that requiring the designer to make a website for a gay wedding violated the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment. This was the issue presented, and denied in Arlene's Flowers. About two years lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In December 2023, the Supreme Court denied cert in Tingley v. Ferguson, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Kavanaugh (but not Gorsuch). This case challenged Washington state's ban on talk "conversion therapy." Eleven months later in November 2024, a cert petition was filed in Chiles v. Salazar. This case challenged Colorado's ban on conversion therapy. Cert was granted in March 2025, and Colorado's law was declared unconstitutional in March 2026 by an 8-1 vote. Again, about two years lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In December 2024, the Supreme Court denied cert in Parents Protecting Our Children v. Eau Claire Area School District, Wisconsin, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Kavanaugh (but not Gorsuch). This case was a challenge to a school's policy to encourage students to "transition" without parental knowledge or consent. About a month later, an emergency application was filed in Mirabelli v. Bonta. In March 2026, the Supreme Court decided Mirabelli on the interim docket, largely settling the question presented in Parents Protecting Our Children. Here, about a year lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In June 2025, the Supreme Court denied cert in Snope v. Brown, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. This case had been stuck in docket purgatory for nearly eight months. Justice Kavanaugh concurred in the denial of cert, but wrote "this Court should and presumably will will address the AR–15 issue soon, in the next Term or two." The Court took two such cases about a year later in July 2026. A decision is likely to come by July 2027. Here, about two years will lapse between the cert denial and the issue being resolved. Though, to be fair, this issue has been pending since 2008 or so after Heller was decided. So the more accurate count is about two decades.

What can explain each of these changes? Well, the cert grant means that a Justice who did not join the dissental flipped his or her vote to grant cert. After Snope, Justice Kavanaugh clearly became the fourth vote. After Tingley, I would wager that Justice Gorsuch became the fourth vote. After Parents Protecting Children, I think Justice Barrett changed course, as she wrote a strong concurrence in Mirabelli. I am not sure who flipped after Arlene's Flowers, but my guess would be Justice Kavanaugh.

I suppose the initial cert denial can be due to vehicle problems, though all of these cases are brought by sophisticated counsel who tee up the issues neatly. Something else may be going on. At least in Snope, Justice Kavanaugh apparently just wanted to clear some other items off the docket before going for the AR-15 case.

During her congressional testimony, Justice Kagan seemed quite content with the Court only granting sixty cases a year. I bet. I presume that the Court's progressives do everything in their power to keep away liberal lower court rulings that could get reversed. Kagan offered this rosy account of the docket size:

I would say we have about an ordinary regular docket. If you look back a number of decades, the docket has gone down. When I clerked at the Court, I'm afraid to say how long ago, in the late 1980's, the Court handled about 140 cases a year. The Court now handles in terms of regular argued cases maybe 70 cases a year, so a significant decrease. There is a cottage industry and explanation for why that decrease took place over time.  All the time that I've been on the court we've been relatively stable. So the last fifteen years or so we are doing about one year it's 75, one year it's 60, it's something on that order. So we continue to hear cases every month and to always issue all our opinions before July 4 every year.

The number has not been 75 for some time. It has not been 70 for some time. 65 would seem like a bumper crop. We are now consistently below 60. Of course, what matter is not just the raw number. Does anyone really care about how many ERISA cases are decided? What matters are the sorts of cases that divide the nation. And in at least two dozen cases I've identified, the most hot-button issues seem to keep getting denied with three dissenting votes.

As I'll explain in a future piece, a Justice should be evaluated not just based on the merits votes they cast, but on the cases they place on the docket. Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch are the most aggressive justices who wish to resolve issues that split the lower court. Justice Kavanaugh has gotten better on this front, and now seems to be following through on his promise, at least in the AR-15 context. Justice Barrett, from everything I can tell, is the least cert-eager Justice on the Court.

Justice Barrett relayed a relevant anecdote at a book event (it was not recorded, so I am trying to recreate it from memory.) Every year, she asks her law clerks at the start of the term to find cases that should be granted. Then, at the end of the term, she asks if there were some cases that should have been granted, but were not. Apparently, the clerks tell her that no cert-worthy cases were missed. Well, what the clerks are saying is that Justices Thomas, Alito, Gorsuch, and Kavanaugh just don't know what makes a case cert-worthy. Ahem.

Justice Barrett has only ever dissented from the denial of certiorari once. Her caution and hesitancy keeps the docket small, much to Justice Kagan's delight. Much more to come.

Religion and the Law

Court Rejects Lawsuit Alleging Religious Liberty Commission Isn't "Fairly Balanced"

|

From Interfaith Alliance v. Trump, decided Monday by Judge John Cronan (S.D.N.Y.):

[A.] [T]he Federal Advisory Committee Act ("FACA") … reflects a compromise: Congress was concerned about advisory committees being dominated by special interests, but also realized that such committees could be useful sources of advice and ideas. So instead of saddling advisory committees with endless red tape, Congress imposed relatively light requirements, [including that] a committee's membership must be "fairly balanced" in light of the functions it performs….

This case presents a FACA challenge to the Religious Liberty Commission (the "RLC" or the "Commission"), an advisory committee established last year by President Donald J. Trump. The RLC consists of up to fourteen voting members appointed by the President and is tasked with producing a report on the foundations of religious liberty in America and the current threats to its exercise.

Plaintiffs argue that the Presidentially-appointed members of the RLC are not fairly balanced ….

[B.] Plaintiffs … fail to state a claim … [in part because] the RLC's membership has a fair balance of viewpoints given the functions it performs….

Because the Court disposes of this case on those grounds, it assumes, for the sake of argument, that whether an agency's membership is fairly balanced is reviewable under the APA because it is not "committed to agency discretion." … [T]his question has deeply divided the courts ….

Read More

A Free-Exercise Challenge to NY's Medically Assisted-Suicide Law

|

A group of Catholic healthcare providers has filed a federal lawsuit seeking to enjoin enforcement of New York's new Medical Aid in Dying Act. Among other things, the plaintiffs allege that the Act, which takes effect next month, violates their rights under the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause.

The litigation is at a very early stage. New York has not yet responded. Still, if the statutory regime operates as the plaintiffs allege, they appear to have a pretty good free exercise argument.

The controversy concerns a practice supporters call medical aid in dying and opponents call medically assisted suicide. I will generally use the latter term because it more directly describes the act the statute authorizes: a physician provides medication that a patient may administer to himself to end his life.

New York's existing Palliative Care Information Act requires physicians and nurse practitioners to offer terminally ill patients information and counseling about end-of-life care options. The new Act authorizes an additional option: a mentally capable adult diagnosed with a terminal illness may request medication to end his life.

The plaintiffs argue that, taken together, the statutes will require medical providers to offer information and counseling about this option. Providers unwilling to counsel patients themselves must, they say, arrange for someone else to do so, or refer or transfer the patient.

The lead plaintiffs are the Carmelite Sisters for the Aged and Infirm, an order that cares for elderly and dying people. The Carmelites object not only to prescribing the medication or allowing its use on their premises--in fact, the law does not require the Carmelites to do either. The Carmelites believe that counseling, referral, and transfer would themselves constitute impermissible cooperation with an immoral practice.

Assuming the law requires what the plaintiffs allege, that forced cooperation would probably qualify as a substantial burden on their religious exercise. Under Hobby Lobby, courts generally may not second-guess a sincere religious judgment about complicity. A court could not simply tell the Carmelites that counseling or referral is too remote from the patient's ultimate decision to count as religiously objectionable.

But substantial burden is only the beginning. Under Employment Division v. Smith, a neutral and generally applicable law ordinarily does not trigger strict scrutiny.

The Carmelites argue the new law does not apply generally because it exempts hospices, which also care for terminally ill patients and address end-of-life decisions. If hospices are exempt while Catholic nursing homes are not, comparable institutions receive different treatment. New York will presumably argue that hospices are not similarly situated, perhaps because they play a different role in patient care or enter the process after broader treatment decisions have already occurred.

If the Carmelites are correct and the law does not apply generally, strict scrutiny would apply. New York would have to show that requiring the Carmelites themselves to provide or arrange the counseling is the least restrictive means of ensuring that patients receive accurate information. That may be difficult. The state could provide a website, telephone service, written notice, independent counseling system, or list of participating providers.

In short, if the Carmelites' account of the facts and the law proves correct, their Free Exercise Clause claim seems a strong one.

Behind this case is a profound disagreement about end-of-life care. Supporters emphasize autonomy and compassion for people facing severe suffering. Opponents see medically assisted suicide as inconsistent with the duty to protect life and care for patients.

These decisions are often excruciating for patients, families, doctors, and caregivers. Abstract principles can seem inadequate in such circumstances.

But that is not the issue the court is being asked to decide. The question is narrower: whether New York may require religious institutions to participate in medically-assisted suicide in ways that violate their faith.

I discuss the case in a new Legal Spirits Short Take, available here.

Politics

U Michigan Student Sues Alleging Wrongful Discipline for Unauthorized AI Use­­—But Can't Sue as a Jane Doe

|

From Doe v. Regents of Univ. of Mich., decided yesterday by Judge Laurie Michelson (E.D. Mich.):

Plaintiff, a student at the University of Michigan, was disciplined her for alleged academic misconduct—an unauthorized use of AI to write course papers. She was put on disciplinary probation and required to write a 1,000-word reflective essay. Plaintiff maintains that she has "documented disabilities" including generalized anxiety disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder. She alleges that her "disability-related writing traits could be misinterpreted as AI and should not be treated as proof of misconduct." Thus, on February 9, 2026, she filed this lawsuit against numerous University of Michigan officials and instructors, claiming that the disciplinary action violated the Rehabilitation Act, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and her procedural due process rights….

Doe sought leave to proceed under a pseudonym (as people suing pseudonymously generally must do), but the court said no. The court rejected her claim that pseudonymity was justified by risk of reputational harm claim:

Plaintiff's contention that she would suffer "a severe stigmatic and reputational injury" if she had to litigate under her name is unsupported. Plaintiff says that "harm cannot be fully cured by later relief" if her identity tied to "alleged academic dishonesty and to mental health information[,]" is disclosed." But "[u]nsubstantiated fears of speculative harm are insufficient to outweigh the presumption of open judicial proceedings."

[And] Plaintiff's argument that "claims of academic dishonesty" would impact her "ability to practice professionally as a physician" is not a legally cognizable consideration under Porter. See Doe v. Univ. of Akron(collecting cases where courts denied requests by plaintiffs faced with academic dishonesty allegations who claim "damage to [their] reputation" and concerns about "career opportunities")….

The Court appreciates Plaintiff's situation. But many federal court plaintiffs must face disclosure of sensitive or personal information that they would likely prefer to keep private. Plaintiff fails to carry her burden to show that her case is otherwise exceptional.

The court also reasoned that the claim didn't involve matters of "utmost intimacy":

Read More

Politics

Judge James C. Ho's Speech On "Judicial Courage" and Judicial Selection

"Nobody actually reads what people have said and written. And that’s why mistakes are made. Because if nobody reads, then it’s not about who would do the job best. It’s about who wants the job most."

|

Last week, Judge James C. Ho of the Fifth Circuit delivered a stirring address at a First Liberty Institute gathering. I was very impressed by the speech, and asked Judge Ho for permission to publish his remarks. He kindly agreed. The theme of the event was "Judicial Courage," and Judge Ho discusses how courage should impact judicial selection. I will include the full post below the jump, but here is an important excerpt:

Second, consider the advice that Paul gave in his first epistle to Timothy about choosing a good leader.  Don't pick "a recent convert, or he may become conceited and fall under the same judgment as the devil."

Instead, recall what was done when it was time to replace Judas among the 12 disciples.  As the Book of Acts explains, "choose one of the men who have been with us the whole time."

In other words, don't pick the Johnny-come-latelies—the ones who only showed up after it became socially acceptable and career enhancing to do so.  Choose only from those who have been here from the beginning, even when it was hard—those who were with us, not out of convenience, but out of conviction.

So long as you've narrowed the pool that way, then it really doesn't matter who gets it—as long as they get it.

That's a far cry from how the process often plays out.  There's a saying in my chambers:  Nobody reads.  It's true in litigation.  And it's true in judicial selection, too.

Nobody actually reads what people have said and written.  And that's why mistakes are made.  Because if nobody reads, then it's not about who would do the job best.  It's about who wants the job most.

And that's exactly wrong.  It's exactly backwards.  Because I want the people who are too busy to campaign—who just want to get the work done and then go home to their families.

Read More

Updating The Wall of Receipts For President Trump's Three Appointees

How have Justices Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett voted over the past year on the interim and certiorari dockets?

|

Most of the analysis of how Justices votes focuses on the merits docket. But there are far more votes worth tracking. In March 2025, I published a detailed analysis of how the three Trump appointees had voted on the Court since their appointment on the interim docket and on the certiorari docket. Here, I'd like to provide an updated wall of receipts for the past fifteen months.

Rulings on the Interim Docket

This list includes recent rulings on the interim docket where Justices Thomas or Alito would have granted or denied relief, and one or more of the Trump appointees were on the other side. Again, I pick up after March 2025 where my last tally concluded.

  1. A.A.R.P v. Trump (2025)- Justices Thomas and Alito would not have blocked President Trump's removal of Venezuelan nationals under the Alien Enemies Act. Justice Kavanaugh concurred in the majority's opinion, while Justices Gorsuch and Barrett were silent.
  2. Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians v. Howe (2025) - Justices Thomas, Alito and Gorsuch would have allowed an Eighth Circuit ruling to go into effect finding that there is no private right of action under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Justices Kavanaugh and Barrett almost certainly voted to grant a stay. In May 2026, the Court remanded the case to the Eight Circuit in light of Callais. My suspicion was that Kavanaugh and Barrett were hoping the Section 2 issue goes away since the Band likely has no viable case after Callais.
  3. National Institutes of Health v. American Public Health Association (2025) - Justices Thomas, Alito, Gorsuch, and Kavanaugh would have allowed the executive branch to block certain DEI grants to NIH. But, Justice Barrett only granted a partial stay, denying the majority a full fifth vote.
  4. South Carolina v. Doe (2025) - Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch would have granted an injunction pending appeal to allow a school to limit bathroom use based on biological sex. Justices Kavanaugh and Barrett did not signal their dissent.
  5. Trump v. Illinois (2025) - Justices Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch would have allowed President Trump to deploy the National Guard to Illinois to assist in immigration enforcement. Justice Kavanaugh concurred in the Court's ruling against Trump. Justice Barrett was silent.
  6. Mirabelli v. Bonta (2026) - Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh, along with the Chief Justice, granted a partial victory to parents challenging California's "gender transition" policy for students. Justices Thomas and Alito would have granted the parents' application in full. Justice Gorsuch (likely) joined the per curiam opinion, but did not write separately.
  7. GenBioPro v. Louisiana (2026) and Danco Laboratories v. Louisiana (2026) - Justices Thomas and Alito would have allowed the lower court ruling to go into effect, which blocked the shipment of mifepristone in the mails. Justices Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett likely voted to stay the Fifth Circuit's judgment.
  8. Blanche v. Perlmutter (2026) - Only Justice Thomas would have allowed President Trump to fire the head of the U.S. Copyright Office. After Slaughter, the Court denied the application rather than GVRing it.

Denials of Certiorari

This list includes the denials of certiorari where Justices Thomas and/or Justice Alito would have voted to grant the petition.

  1. Speech First, Inc. v. Whitten (2025) - Justices Thomas and Alito would have reviewed the challenge to Indiana University's "bias incidents" response team.
  2. Hittle v. City of Stockton, California (2025) - Justices Thomas and Gorsuch would have granted a petition to revisit the McDonnell Douglas balancing framework under Title VII.
  3. Apache Stronghold v. United States (2025) - Justices Thomas and Gorsuch would have reviewed a case involving the federal government's destruction of an Indian sacred site. (Justice Alito was recused.)
  4. L. M. by and through Morrison v. Town of Middleborough, Massachusetts (2025) - Justices Thomas and Alito would have reviewed the appeal of a student who was punished for wearing a shirt that said "There are only two genders."
  5. Snope v. Brown (2025) - Justices Thomas, Alito and Gorsuch would have granted a petition to review Maryland's ban on AR-15s. Justice Barrett was silent. Justice Kavanaugh concurred in the denial of cert, but wrote "this Court should and presumably will will address the AR–15 issue soon, in the next Term or two." The Court took two such cases about a year later in July 2026.
  6. GHP Management Corporation v. City of Los Angeles (2025) - Justices Thomas and Gorsuch would have reviewed a pandemic-era eviction moratorium as a violation of the Takings Clause.
  7. Veneno v. United States (2025) - Justices Thomas and Gorsuch would have reviewed a case challenging the federal government's plenary powers over Indian tribes.
  8. Hutson v. United States (2025) - Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch would have intervened to terminate a "longstanding and unlawful prison-building order."
  9. Alabama v. Powell (2026) - Justices Thomas and Alito would have summarily reversed an Alabama criminal case, finding there was no violation of the Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.
  10. United States v. Carter (2026) - Justices Thomas and Alito would have reviewed a District of Columbia policy that requires police to consider a defendant's race.
  11. Doe v. Hochul (2026) - Justices Thomas, Alito and Gorsuch would have reviewed the case of a religious healthcare worker who was fired for refusing the COVID-19 vaccine.
  12. Dershowitz v. Cable News Network (2026) - Justices Thomas and Gorsuch would have granted review to reconsider the "actual malice" standard for defamation.

I will offer some commentary on this list in a future writing.

Please email me if I missed any cases.

Free Speech

Not What Judges Want to See from Litigants

|

From today's sanctions order in Copycat Legal PLLC v. Peralo, by Judge David Leibowitz (S.D. Fla.), entered on the court's own initiative (the defendant is described in the Complaint as "a digital content creator who primarily focuses on producing videos in short form for his YouTube, TikTok, SnapChat, and Instagram viewers" and who claims to have "over 2 million followers across social media, 2.5 billion views and … over 4 billion impressions in polls/quizzes"):

Pro se Defendant Charles A. Peralo ("Defendant") has repeatedly failed to obey the Court's orders. Accordingly, the Court will impose a monetary sanction on him.

Rule 16(f) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure states that a court may, sua sponte, "issue any just orders, including those authorized by Rule 37(b)(2)(A)(ii)–(vii), if a party or its attorney … fails to obey a scheduling or other pretrial order." Sanctions under Rule 16 are "designed to punish lawyers and parties for conduct which unreasonably delays or otherwise interferes with the expeditious management of trial preparation." …

Defendant has repeatedly and brazenly ignored this Court's orders. On June 11, 2026, the Court denied Defendant's Motion to Dismiss, noting it bore indicia of AI-generated material, and ordered Defendant to file an answer to Plaintiffs' first amended complaint no later than June 25. Defendant blew through that deadline.

On July 2, Plaintiffs informed the Court that Defendant refused to participate in drafting a joint scheduling report per the Court's June 12 Order, "[d]espite at least thirteen (13) e-mail follow-ups." Plaintiffs included screenshots of Defendant's responses to those emails, where Defendant said (among other things), "[y]ou are a fat [f**cking] loser," "you are my dancing monkey," and "you're a [f**cking] moron." [All expurgations are from the court opinion itself. -EV]

Read More

The New York Times On Heritage Foundation 2.0

With a flashback to my resignation.

|

This time last year, I felt a sense of great accomplishment. The Third Edition of the Heritage Guide to the Constitution had been sent to the printers, with an expected delivery date of September 17. Even though the book was complete, my work was far from over. During the summer of 2025, I was planning the launch event for Constitution Day at Heritage, as well as a massive book signing at the Federalist Society's National Lawyers Convention. Moreover, I was producing the audio version of the book, which was to be released in a serial podcast format. Most of our authors had already come into the Heritage Studios to record their essays. Things were looking up by the day. My work at Heritage had become one of my most fulfilling and rewarding professional experiences. Then it all came crashing down.

What a difference a year makes. On December 21, 2025, I published my resignation letter from Heritage. Several of my colleagues were fired from Heritage. Others resigned noisily, but most resigned quietly. Now, the dust appears to have settled. With few exceptions, people who no longer fit at the new Heritage are no longer there. Kevin Roberts survived the scandal and is likely to endure for some time. Indeed, he has recruited new supportive Board members and appointed subordinates who support his vision. The new hires are all mission aligned. The old Heritage ceased to exist long before Tucker Carlson's infamous podcast, but now "Heritage 2.0", as it is called, is firmly established.

The New York Times Magazine has a deeply reported story, titled What the Crackup of the Heritage Foundation Says About the Post-Trump Right. The article is consistent with what I've heard over the past year, and sheds light on some items that had been less-than-clear.

Here is an excerpt about the wave of departures (both voluntary and involuntary) from Heritage:

Many employees and experts at Heritage appeared to disagree with the premise that such people belonged in their coalition, and especially that anyone was trying to set them right. Longtime Heritage employees told me that the people they usually collaborated with in congressional offices, circuit courts, foreign embassies and other institutions no longer wanted to be publicly associated with Heritage and what they perceived as its fidelity to Carlson. In a resignation letter later made public, Josh Blackman, a legal scholar who had for years been working on a new edition of "The Heritage Guide to the Constitution," said the volume's contributors pulled out of an event promoting the book and refused to sign copies. Judges who had spoken at the foundation, Blackman wrote, said "they would no longer affiliate with Heritage."

In the wake of Roberts's video, dozens of staff members departed. Eighteen of them ended up at former Vice President Mike Pence's new think tank, Advancing American Freedom, which Pence founded shortly after leaving office in 2021, as a home for more traditional conservatives. (It has attracted money and experts, if perhaps not yet a proportionate boost in cachet.)

Roberts seemed unfazed by the departures. "There are a handful, not many remaining, now former colleagues who wanted to direct Heritage's mission, its implementation of that mission, in sort of a 1980s-style way," he told me. "So, I guess it's appropriate they went to Pence's think tank." Certain scholars, particularly in the legal and economics departments, had been "used to getting their own way," he went on. "And it's good that they're gone."

I think my colleagues who left Heritage would agree that it is good they are gone.

Update: John Malcolm, formerly of Heritage and now of Advancing American Freedom, posted on X:

For the record, I didn't speak to this reporter, but her article is interesting & largely accurate. In it, Kevin Roberts says (referring to me & my colleagues who left Heritage to join Advancing American Freedom) that he's glad we're gone. I couldn't agree more. Although there are some great people who are still there, we are glad we're gone too.

Eliminate the Summer Recess

A new series on SCOTUSBlog with recommendations for Unilateral Supreme Court Reform.

|

I have written about bilateral judicial reform: how can Congress and the Supreme Court work together to reform the institution? In a new series for SCOTUSblog, I take a different approach: unilateral SCOTUS reform. What can the Supreme Court, acting alone, do better? These proposals are, in large part, a series of thought experiments. Some of them are admittedly off-the-wall and are unlikely to be adopted. Others may seem such common sense that they can be readily adopted. But all reconsider the status quo and what procedures are worth keeping and which should be changed.

My first installment calls on the Court to eliminate the summer recess. Here is a snippet:

In my article Bilateral Judicial Reform, I proposed that Congress should mandate that the court hear arguments year-round. Specifically, Congress would require that the court schedule at least one public sitting for oral argument and one conference per calendar month. But this reform could also come from the court, or even from the chief justice acting alone. Although it is something of a black box how the court determines its schedule, every year the court releases a calendar indicating when there are argument days and when the court will hold private conferences. This process could slowly adjust to hosting more meetings.

The court could ease into change by scheduling a one day virtual meeting in July, in August, and in September. Virtual oral argument and conferences were held during the pandemic period. They were not ideal but were used effectively when the justices could not assemble in person. And the circuit courts of appeals routinely hold online arguments. Virtual sessions work well for my plan because the justices tend to scatter from July through September. Critically, the justices wouldn't have to alter their summer travel plans. Whatever tensions and conflicts that arise during the term can still be mellowed out as the justices get out of Dodge. . . .

The more fundamental change would require breaking the mold that all opinions must be decided by the end of June. This practice makes sense from a logistical perspective: Any cases argued during a particular term should be decided during that term. But in the long run, this concern is myopic. Supreme Court opinions establish rules for "the ages." Why should a landmark opinion argued in late April be rushed out by June? No one does their best work under time pressure. Rushed compromises can create unintended problems for generations unknown. An opinion should be released when it is ready and not accelerated to meet some artificial vacation deadline. This utilitarian calculus may offer the strongest justification to eliminate the summer recess: the justices will produce better opinions without the Fourth of July looming.

My next installment will call on the Justices to hold regular press conferences.

More