The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Some More Or Less Tentative Thoughts on Substack

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I appreciate the emails from readers about my Substack post. I do not read the comments, so if you left something there, and actually want me to see it, email me! Then again, I suspect a fair share of comments are written with full knowledge that I will never see it. So be it.

After reflecting on the responses, I will offer some more or less tentative thoughts.

First, why did I write my post? I could have simply launched a Substack, as others have done, without any explanation. I have several reasons. At the highest level, writing helps me think things through. If I can't state my thesis in a coherent written form, then my thesis doesn't work. Moreover, once I write something down, I've committed myself to it. "Locked in" as they say. But on a deeper level, I feel a kinship with my readers, even though I don't know them. I am fully aware of how many people read my posts. Indeed, it is a strange sensation when I meet people in public who recognize me from the blog. Once I was in an Uber and the driver figured out who I was and told me he watched all of my YouTube videos. We chatted the entire ride about Supreme Court cases. I invited him to my lecture the next day sent him a copy of my most recent book. On the Fourth of July, I visited the National Constitution Center (where else would I go?) and a reader spotted me and asked for a selfie. We later corresponded about career advice. I owe this audience I've built some explanation before I change how content is delivered.

Second, another comment was that I should not be motivated by money. This is something of a sensitive point, but is worth addressing. I went straight from clerking to academia. Other than working as a summer associate, I never earned a paycheck in private practice. I never collected those cushy clerkship bonuses. Plus, as readers will recall, I resigned from a position last year, and with that resignation, a paycheck immediately vanished. I have not taken a vow of poverty, and am not seeking anyone's pity. I have a blessed life with an amazing career that I would not trade for anything. Still, virtually all academics who forego careers in legal practice have to find opportunities for outside income. Some teach additional classes, even as adjuncts at other law schools. Others do consulting or part-time litigation with law firms. I am fortunate to be on the speaking circuit, which pays generous honoraria. Still, as time passes, the toils of traveling across the country grow. Many academics do get paid for their writing. Law schools often will provide writing stipends, or bonuses for articles placed in top journals. Law review symposiums often provide honoraria for participation. And so on. My goal, at least, is to be transparent.

Third, a reader suggested that my influence might decrease if I initially posted my material behind a partial paywall. I've given this issue quite a bit of thought. Most of my posts are written for a general audience, and have very little impact. But my most impactful audiences are written for very specific audiences. I would wager that the specific audiences that impact policy are the sorts of people who would not mind paying a nominal fee each month. Moreover, a Substack would allow me to build an audience of people who may not otherwise visit the Volokh Conspiracy. One of the greatest virtues of this blog is that there are a wide range of authors who post on a wide range of topics. But some readers may not prefer this format with all those views. Indeed, I've heard that there is apparently a filter to remove all of the "Josh Blackman" posts on VC. An independent site would let me speak to readers who want to hear my views. Commenters who hate my work would feel no obligation to read at all. Again, I ran a solo blog for more than a decade on JoshBlackman.com. I'm sure most of those readers came over to the Volokh Conspiracy, but some may not have.

Fourth, a reader said a 24-hour delay was not long enough. If that was the only gap, he would see no reason to subscribe, and just postpone his reading for a day. One alternate idea I had would be to post all of the week's content on the Volokh Conspiracy on Friday afternoon, similar to how the Supreme Court used to post all of the oral argument for the week on Friday afternoon. This would let readers who are unable or unwilling to pay the fee to catch up with all of my work over the weekend. My observant readers could event print stuff out for non-electronic reading. This would also eliminate the administrative burden of trying to figure out when posts would run. I could condense everything into a "week in review" format.

Fifth, a longtime reader raised what I think is the biggest risk with creating a subscription model: I may be tempted, even subconsciously, to alter my work to attract a bigger audience. This concern is serious. Getting clicks can be addictive. Indeed, one of the reasons I have limited my part-time legal practice to pro or "low" bono work is so that I never feel obligated to take or keep a case I don't believe in. Relatedly, this model would create an incentive to always create new content. As things stand now, I can write five posts in a day and then nothing for two weeks. But if there is an expectation to release a newsletter each week, I would feel obligated to write a newsletter each week. I don't know that I have a solid response to this concern. I can say, "Well, if it doesn't work out, I'll go back to the old model." But I am aware that a dependency on a source of income is hard to break. (Again, see my resignation from Heritage.) The best response I can offer is that my nearly two decades of work has steeled me to always pursue the truth. Indeed, a name I came up with for a Subtack refelcts this mantra: "Unpopular Opinions: Always authentic. Often controversial. Never afraid."

I welcome more thoughts and comments. I continue to work through this idea.

Lawyer Challenges Suspension for Being Too Phishable; No Dice, Says Appellate Court

Take that training seriously, folks.

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From Bedrossian v. Cal. State Pers. Bd., decided Tuesday by California Court of Appeal Justice Frances Rothschild, joined by Justices Gregory Weingart and Michelle Kim:

The [State Compensation Insurance Fund] employed Bedrossian as a staff attorney beginning in March 2004 and ultimately promoted her to attorney IV. In the latter position, she was responsible for litigating worker's compensation cases involving "confidential and sensitive information." A "duty statement" Bedrossian signed lists among her responsibilities as an attorney IV "[m]aintain[ing] user mastery over [the Fund's] computer-based technology" and "communicat[ing] professionally and efficiently." …

The Fund "require[s] that all employees take [cyber]security awareness and privacy training annually so that they can recognize external threats such as phishing and other social engineering tactics." "Phishing" refers to the process of sending emails purporting to be from a legitimate source and encouraging the recipient to "click on … a malicious link" or attachment or provide sensitive information. "If a phishing email is successful, [it] can either steal data from the user," "compromise the user's account," or "compromise the entire system" of an organization.

Over the course of her employment at the Fund, Bedrossian participated in numerous training sessions on how to identify and handle phishing emails. This training educated employees about "red flags" which should alert the reader that an email is potentially dangerous, such as asking the recipient to click a link to avoid a negative consequence. In 2019, the Fund began automatically adding an "external sender notification" banner on all emails from outside the Fund, which reminded the recipient in yellow highlighted text that the email "was sent from outside [the Fund]" and not to click on links or open attachments "unless you recognize the source and know the content is safe." …

[1.] Phishing Email Test Campaign

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The Fauci Diaries and the Cult of Judicial Celebrity

Like Dr. Fauci, (liberal) judges nominated to the Supreme Court are immediately elevated to the ranks of AAA celebrity.

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A constant theme in the Fauci Diaries is celebrity. Fauci was absolutely obsessed with the adoration he received from celebrities. He would list all the famous people at parties he attended. He bragged how Barbara Streisand called him to ask for advice on vaccines. Julia Roberts called Fauci her "personal hero." Kim Kardashian organized a Zoom call with Fauci and other A-list celebrities. And so on.

Fauci, who had previously toiled in obscurity, ate it all up. Indeed, I would wager part of his motivation to always be on camera was to gain even more affection from his loving crowd. Thus, Fauci became an overnight celebrity--in his own estimation, one of the most famous people in the world. I'm sure Fauci thought, like John Lennon, that he was bigger than Jesus.

That sort of narcisism can go to a person's head. Perhaps Fauci may have approached his role with more humility and uncertainty if he wasn't playing up for elites, who suffered no consequences from lockdowns. They could go outside in their palatial estates and have gourmet dinner at the French Laundry unmasked.

The headlines about Dr. Fauci yesterday, I think, need to be compared with Justice Jackson's appearance on Michelle Obama's podcast. Five years ago, no one outside of a group of lawyers knew who Ketanji Brown Jackson was. She did not receive tickets from Beyonce or flowers from Oprah. She was not photographed by Annie Leibovitz for the cover of Vogue. She was not invited to attend the Grammy's. She did not have a part in a Broadway show. She was no more famous than any of the other judges on D.D.C. Yet, once Jackson was elevated to the Supreme Court, she was immediately thrust into the top of the A-list.

Dr. Fauci was not immune from the effects of overnight celebrity. I don't think Justice Jackson can be either. The appeal of being loved is far too intoxicating. And as I've noted before, Judges--even implicitly--will say and do things to keep that love coming.

To be sure, conservative judges also become overnight celebrities, but not in a good way. Just look at Saturday Night Live, and compare how Brad Pitt played Anthony Fauci and how Matt Damon played Brett Kavanaugh.

It is a fact that conservative celebrities just aren't as cool. Harlan Crow is not Russell Crowe. Maybe this fact helps keep people on the right more grounded?

In any event, Dr. Fauci's refusal to testify about conduct for which he was pardoned should give rise to serious constitutional litigation, including about the validity of the autopen pardon. Stay tuned.

Free Speech

Viewpoint and Race Discrimination Claim in COVID Relief Grants Can Go Forward

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A short excerpt from the long opinion today in African People's Ed. & Defense Fund, Inc. v. Pinellas County, written by Eleventh Circuit Judge Kevin Newsom, joined by Judge Andrew Brasher and District Judge Paul Huck (S.D. Fla.):

Florida nonprofit African People's Education and Defense Fund twice applied for COVID-relief grants from monies made available to Pinellas County by the federal government. The Pinellas County Board of Commissioners initially approved APEDF's first grant request but later revoked that approval; the Board denied the group's second grant application outright.

APEDF sued, contending that the Board had revoked the first grant and denied the second on the basis of race and because of the group's association with the "Uhuru Movement"—which APEDF describes as a collection of "like-minded groups and individuals promoting Black community empowerment."

The court allowed APEDF's First Amendment to go forward:

Where, as here, the government is doling out public funding, it operates as a sovereign rather than as an employer. Pinellas County wasn't seeking an ongoing relationship with APEDF, nor was it offering to pay APEDF to perform a service or to act as an agent. Rather, it was simply determining whether APEDF's contributions to the public justified an award of grant money. In that respect, APEDF is less like an employee or a traditional government contractor and "more like [an] ordinary citizen[ ] whose viewpoints on matters of public concern the government has no legitimate interest in repressing."

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Free Speech

Magistrate Judge Recommends Massive Sanctions on Rabbi Shmuley Boteach for Violating Court Order in Anti-Semitism Lawsuit

The recommendation includes entry of a default judgment against Boteach in a defamation lawsuit brought against him by a Florida hotel.

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An excerpt from today's long Report and Recommendation by Judge Marty Fulgueira Elfenbein in Fontainebleau Florida Hotel, LLC v. Jacob:

This action arises from an encounter between Defendant and then-hotel guest Faiz Akbar … in the lobby of Plaintiff's hotel in December 2024. The Parties sharply dispute the nature of the encounter, who initiated or escalated it, and whether Plaintiff responded appropriately to Defendant's subsequent complaints.

Plaintiff's operative First Amended Complaint alleges that Defendant published false statements concerning the incident and Plaintiff's response to it, including statements that Plaintiff discriminated against Defendant because he is Jewish, knowingly permitted an antisemitic assault to occur on its premises, removed Defendant rather than the alleged aggressor, and refused to cooperate with law enforcement. Based on those allegations, Plaintiff asserts claims against Defendant for defamation and tortious interference with business relationships.

Defendant filed a Counterclaim and Third-Party Complaint asserting claims against Plaintiff and naming Jeffrey Soffer … and Akbar as Third-Party Defendants. Defendant's Counterclaim alleges, among other things, that he was subjected to an antisemitic verbal attack at the hotel, that Plaintiff failed to protect him or adequately cooperate with the ensuing investigation, and that Plaintiff thereafter excluded him from its properties. Defendant asserted claims under federal civil-rights statutes and a claim for tortious interference with business relationships….

The merits of the Parties' competing claims are not directly before the Court in the Motion for Sanctions. Instead, the dispute concerns Defendant's conduct during the litigation, the meaning and scope of the District Court's February 20, 2026 Order …, and whether Defendant's subsequent social-media activity violated that Order in a manner warranting sanctions under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 16(f) or the Court's inherent authority….

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Free Speech

No Pseudonymity for the Pretend Date in Pentagon Contractor's Suit Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group

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First, a quick summary from today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

The court held that Heidi, who was sued as one of the defendants, couldn't remain pseudonymous:

Throughout this litigation, Defendants have maintained that [Heidi Doe]'s name should be sealed…. Defendants … assert that [Heidi]'s true name must be kept under seal on the basis that her identity is protected by the District of Columbia reporter's shield law. In the alternative, they argue that good cause exists under Rule 26(c) to maintain [her] pseudonym….

Defendants still have not shown [Heidi] is protected by the Shield Law. The District's Shield Law prohibits the compulsory disclosure of "the source of any news or information procured by [a] person while employed by the news media and acting in an official news gathering capacity," creating an absolute privilege for the identities of sources.

The court previously denied Defendants' motion on the ground that they did not present any evidence—"not even a declaration"—to support treating as a source rather than as a journalist. Defendants this time come armed with a declaration from [Heidi], but the declaration only reinforces the court's previous determination that [Heidi] is not a source within the meaning of the Shield Law.

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Free Speech

A Bit on Pentagon Contractor's Wiretapping Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group

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First, a quick summary from today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

Mannina sued on various grounds; I discussed the court's treatment of plaintiff's defamation and false light claim in this post, and its treatment of the fraudulent misrepresentation claim in this post. Here's what the court had to say about the wiretapping claim:

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Free Speech

Pentagon Contractor's Fraudulent Misrepresentation Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group Can Go Forward

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From today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

Mannina sued on various grounds; I discussed the court's treatment of plaintiff's defamation and false light claim in a separate post, but here's what the court had to say about the fraudulent misrepresentation claim:

A claim of fraudulent misrepresentation requires proof of "(1) a false representation (2) made in reference to a material fact, (3) with knowledge of its falsity, (4) with the intent to deceive, and (5) an action that is taken in reliance upon the representation." Plaintiff alleges that [redacted] "knowingly and deliberately misrepresented herself to Mr. Mannina for the purpose of targeting and entrapping him into making remarks that could be distorted for political and harmful purposes." Using her "inauthentic profile," falsely represented she was romantically interested in Plaintiff, when in fact "[s]he was simply part of an intentional targeted operation against individuals perceived to be Democrats to materially and falsely discredit them." And her false representations were "material to inducing" Plaintiff to go on the two dates with [redacted] and discuss his views and career.

{OMG and O'Keefe's motion does not itself offer any substantive arguments [apparently referring to arguments related to the elements of the fraudulent misrepresentation claim]. It rather accuses Plaintiff of "blam[ing] a lady for not being honest as to her motives" instead of "blaming himself for having a big mouth and spilling secrets." Apparently, his "audacity is similar to a man who kills his parents and then throws himself upon the mercy of the court, claiming that he is an orphan."}

Defendants first appeal to the First Amendment. They contend that the First Amendment precludes a fraud claim against undercover journalists both because "a plaintiff cannot use a fraud label to end-run the constitutional safeguards that apply to speech about matters of public concern" and because the First Amendment "does not countenance using fraud claim to punish the publication of truthful information on a matter of public concern." …

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Free Speech

Pentagon Contractor's Libel Claim Over Hidden Date Recording by O'Keefe Media Group Can Go Forward

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From today's decision by Judge Amit Mehta (D.D.C.) in Mannina v. O'Keefe Media Group:

In January 2025, Plaintiff Jamie Mannina, then a federal defense contractor, went on what he believed were two genuine dates with a woman named "Heidi." Unbeknownst to Plaintiff, "Heidi" was actually Defendant [redacted], a person hired by Defendants O'Keefe Media Group ("OMG") and James O'Keefe to elicit from Plaintiff details about his political views and federal employment history and to film and record his statements. Defendants used this footage of Plaintiff to create videos and articles for a series called "Dating the Deep State," which Plaintiff alleges paint him as a Pentagon official conspiring with other federal officials to undermine then-President-elect Donald Trump and his incoming administration.

The publication of these videos caused Plaintiff to lose his job. Plaintiff subsequently brought this action alleging defamation, false light, fraudulent misrepresentation, conspiracy, and violations of the District of Columbia and federal wiretapping statutes….

Plaintiff alleges that, "[t]hrough numerous edits and splices from statements made throughout both dates, and even between each date, the various videos and articles … were created to intentionally provide false or implied evidence to support Defendant OMG and O'Keefe's fabricated claims that [Plaintiff] was essentially attempting to launch an unlawful coup against President Trump."

Specifically, he alleges that "Defendants falsely state or imply in their [publications] that Mr. Mannina was a senior Pentagon Official providing direct advice to the [Joint Staff] and part of a subversive 'Deep State' that held covert meetings with retired military leaders, including admirals and generals, who were collaborating from within the Pentagon on the means to undermine and counteract the incoming Trump administration … in highly secure locations, including 'The Tank', that were 'reserved for critical defense deliberations.'" "Defendants further falsely state or imply that [Plaintiff], in his official capacity, was lying, spying, conspiring to commit a coup, and acting unethically." …

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Free Speech

"I Rushed out Already Moist. My Mouth. I Want My Face. We Just Carry It On."

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From the Complaint in Kivler v. Wolf Licensee LLC, just removed to E.D. Pa.:

E.K., is a 16-year-old student athlete, who won her [wrestling] match at the district championship.

Shortly after being crowned district champion on February 21, 2024 [likely a typo for 2026 -EV], a reporter from Fox56 (Wolf) requested to interview E.K, and E.K. agreed. During this recorded interview, E.K. described the match and her strategy for how she planned to prevail.

However, on February 24, 2026, Defendants published the Article that did not use the quote E.K. provided, but rather an entirely different quote that E.K. never said and completely inconsistent with the recorded audio. Specifically, the Article attributed the following quote to E.K, a young girl: "I rushed out already moist. My mouth. I want my face. We just carry it on. So I knew what she was going to go for. Somebody gets it. I knew she was going to make a few mistakes, but not everybody makes mistakes. They were was. 20."

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Cert Denied, Cert Delayed, Cert Granted

In at least four cases, the Court denied cert over three dissentals, and then resolved the same issue a year or more later.

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As I reviewed the wall of receipts for cert denials, I noticed something of a pattern. In several cases, the Supreme Court denied certiorari over three dissenting votes. Invariably those three dissenters were Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch, though in some cases Justice Kavanaugh provides the third. Yet, a year or more later, the Court resolved the same or similar issue that was presented in another case. In recent years, the Court has taken to relisting a petition before granting it to make sure there are no vehicle problems. Indeed, some cases are relisted for months at end, only to be granted, like the AR-15 case. But in a handful of cases, the path to a cert grant is a cert denial.

Consider four examples.

In July 2021, the Supreme Court denied cert in Arlene's Flowers v. Washington, over dissents from Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. This case had started way back in 2013. Two months later a cert petition was filed in 303 Creative v. Elenis, which was granted in February 2022. In June 2023, the Court ruled that requiring the designer to make a website for a gay wedding violated the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment. This was the issue presented, and denied in Arlene's Flowers. About two years lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In December 2023, the Supreme Court denied cert in Tingley v. Ferguson, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Kavanaugh (but not Gorsuch). This case challenged Washington state's ban on talk "conversion therapy." Eleven months later in November 2024, a cert petition was filed in Chiles v. Salazar. This case challenged Colorado's ban on conversion therapy. Cert was granted in March 2025, and Colorado's law was declared unconstitutional in March 2026 by an 8-1 vote. Again, about two years lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In December 2024, the Supreme Court denied cert in Parents Protecting Our Children v. Eau Claire Area School District, Wisconsin, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Kavanaugh (but not Gorsuch). This case was a challenge to a school's policy to encourage students to "transition" without parental knowledge or consent. About a month later, an emergency application was filed in Mirabelli v. Bonta. In March 2026, the Supreme Court decided Mirabelli on the interim docket, largely settling the question presented in Parents Protecting Our Children. Here, about a year lapsed between the cert denial and the issue being resolved.

In June 2025, the Supreme Court denied cert in Snope v. Brown, over dissents from Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. This case had been stuck in docket purgatory for nearly eight months. Justice Kavanaugh concurred in the denial of cert, but wrote "this Court should and presumably will will address the AR–15 issue soon, in the next Term or two." The Court took two such cases about a year later in July 2026. A decision is likely to come by July 2027. Here, about two years will lapse between the cert denial and the issue being resolved. Though, to be fair, this issue has been pending since 2008 or so after Heller was decided. So the more accurate count is about two decades.

What can explain each of these changes? Well, the cert grant means that a Justice who did not join the dissental flipped his or her vote to grant cert. After Snope, Justice Kavanaugh clearly became the fourth vote. After Tingley, I would wager that Justice Gorsuch became the fourth vote. After Parents Protecting Children, I think Justice Barrett changed course, as she wrote a strong concurrence in Mirabelli. I am not sure who flipped after Arlene's Flowers, but my guess would be Justice Kavanaugh.

I suppose the initial cert denial can be due to vehicle problems, though all of these cases are brought by sophisticated counsel who tee up the issues neatly. Something else may be going on. At least in Snope, Justice Kavanaugh apparently just wanted to clear some other items off the docket before going for the AR-15 case.

During her congressional testimony, Justice Kagan seemed quite content with the Court only granting sixty cases a year. I bet. I presume that the Court's progressives do everything in their power to keep away liberal lower court rulings that could get reversed. Kagan offered this rosy account of the docket size:

I would say we have about an ordinary regular docket. If you look back a number of decades, the docket has gone down. When I clerked at the Court, I'm afraid to say how long ago, in the late 1980's, the Court handled about 140 cases a year. The Court now handles in terms of regular argued cases maybe 70 cases a year, so a significant decrease. There is a cottage industry and explanation for why that decrease took place over time.  All the time that I've been on the court we've been relatively stable. So the last fifteen years or so we are doing about one year it's 75, one year it's 60, it's something on that order. So we continue to hear cases every month and to always issue all our opinions before July 4 every year.

The number has not been 75 for some time. It has not been 70 for some time. 65 would seem like a bumper crop. We are now consistently below 60. Of course, what matter is not just the raw number. Does anyone really care about how many ERISA cases are decided? What matters are the sorts of cases that divide the nation. And in at least two dozen cases I've identified, the most hot-button issues seem to keep getting denied with three dissenting votes.

As I'll explain in a future piece, a Justice should be evaluated not just based on the merits votes they cast, but on the cases they place on the docket. Justices Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch are the most aggressive justices who wish to resolve issues that split the lower court. Justice Kavanaugh has gotten better on this front, and now seems to be following through on his promise, at least in the AR-15 context. Justice Barrett, from everything I can tell, is the least cert-eager Justice on the Court.

Justice Barrett relayed a relevant anecdote at a book event (it was not recorded, so I am trying to recreate it from memory.) Every year, she asks her law clerks at the start of the term to find cases that should be granted. Then, at the end of the term, she asks if there were some cases that should have been granted, but were not. Apparently, the clerks tell her that no cert-worthy cases were missed. Well, what the clerks are saying is that Justices Thomas, Alito, Gorsuch, and Kavanaugh just don't know what makes a case cert-worthy. Ahem.

Justice Barrett has only ever dissented from the denial of certiorari once. Her caution and hesitancy keeps the docket small, much to Justice Kagan's delight. Much more to come.

Religion and the Law

Court Rejects Lawsuit Alleging Religious Liberty Commission Isn't "Fairly Balanced"

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From Interfaith Alliance v. Trump, decided Monday by Judge John Cronan (S.D.N.Y.):

[A.] [T]he Federal Advisory Committee Act ("FACA") … reflects a compromise: Congress was concerned about advisory committees being dominated by special interests, but also realized that such committees could be useful sources of advice and ideas. So instead of saddling advisory committees with endless red tape, Congress imposed relatively light requirements, [including that] a committee's membership must be "fairly balanced" in light of the functions it performs….

This case presents a FACA challenge to the Religious Liberty Commission (the "RLC" or the "Commission"), an advisory committee established last year by President Donald J. Trump. The RLC consists of up to fourteen voting members appointed by the President and is tasked with producing a report on the foundations of religious liberty in America and the current threats to its exercise.

Plaintiffs argue that the Presidentially-appointed members of the RLC are not fairly balanced ….

[B.] Plaintiffs … fail to state a claim … [in part because] the RLC's membership has a fair balance of viewpoints given the functions it performs….

Because the Court disposes of this case on those grounds, it assumes, for the sake of argument, that whether an agency's membership is fairly balanced is reviewable under the APA because it is not "committed to agency discretion." … [T]his question has deeply divided the courts ….

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