The Volokh Conspiracy

Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent | Est. 2002

The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

The Importance of Free Speech in American Public Junior High and High Schools

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When I was in college, liberals, not conservatives, were more zealous in defending free speech, when it came to issues like whether pornography ought to be constitutionally protected. In 1990, when I was in law school, and my first-year constitutional law class discussed Texas v. Johnson, the famous flag burning case, only the more conservative students thought that what Gregory Johnson did should not be constitutionally protected expressive conduct. At that time, a decade before I took Professor Volokh's free speech class when I was a graduate student in the political science department at UCLA, I hoped that someday, free speech would be a principle that would transcend partisanship. After all, it can be hard to predict what political party will control your school board, city council, state legislature, or Congress. If you give lawmakers the authority to censor an idea that you despise at one moment, whether you realize it, you also are giving them the authority to censor ideas that you find valuable in the future. No doubt, it can be very hard to stomach ideas that you find repulsive but inevitability, others will feel the same way about your ideas. In a society committed to free speech, the government must be neutral; it may not discriminate against viewpoints, including deeply offensive and even racist, sexist, and homophobic ones. No real human government will be able to censor "bad" viewpoints competently or fairly, even if we agreed which ones were bad most of the time. Equally importantly, the people who live in that society must be willing to allow others to speak their minds. The quality of their arguments ought to be beside the point.

These days in this country, it seems like a bad situation is becoming worse. On both the left and the right, of the American political spectrum, the natural tendency to censor disagreeable ideas seems increasingly more difficult to resist, including young adults. As someone who teaches at an undergraduate institution and has been doing so for more than twenty years, my impression is that college students are not nearly willing to countenance the expression of ideas, which they despise, as they used to be. Unlike concerns about censorship on college campuses, which have received a lot of media attention, when guest speakers are disinvited or shouted down, few people care much about the extent to which school authorities may suppress student speech in a public junior high or high school. The assumption is that due to their age and relative immaturity, most of what they contribute to the marketplace of ideas at their school will have little, if any, value. Furthermore, the primary mission of a school is to educate its students, and student speech can be disruptive or distracting.

As such, it may appear to be obvious that teenagers should not be able to exercise the same free speech rights that college students may exercise. However, position strikes me as harder to defend than most people acknowledge. After all, it is almost self-evident that if tweens and teenagers, who are impressionable, go to schools that are hostile to free speech, will absorb the wrong lessons, regardless of what they might read in their civics class. They can be punished for saying this, writing that, or wearing a tee short that expresses a view about abortion, guns, same-sex sex, or whatever, they could get detention, be suspended, or even expelled. Sooner rather than later, they will learn how to self-censor.

My new book, Democracy in Education: The Importance of Free Speech in American Public Schools, is about the importance of the free speech of junior high school and high school students in a country like our own; it calls into question the double standard as well, where public schools are treated so differently than colleges for free speech purposes. There are many ways to defend free speech, and my focus is on how educational the experience can be, when students not only are challenged to formulate their own views but are exposed to those of their classmates. Indeed, an important part of becoming a citizen in a democracy calls for learning how to deal with difference and disagreement in political life.

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Free Speech

Prof. Ronald Den Otter Guest-Blogging on "Education in Democracy: The Importance of Free Speech in American Public Schools"

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I'm delighted to report that Prof. Ronald Den Otter (Cal Poly) will be guest-blogging this week about this new book. The publisher's summary:

In contrast to recent efforts to restrict students by putting more power in the hands of parents and school officials, Ronald C. Den Otter makes a bold and rigorously argued case for respecting the autonomy of students and expanding their free-speech rights.

In recent years, the debate over student speech has roiled college campuses and elicited a wave of books and articles, from both the Right and the Left, over what speech is permissible and who should receive a platform to speak. What has largely been overlooked in this debate is the freedom of speech—or lack thereof—enjoyed by junior high and high school students in American public schools.

Education in Democracy makes a powerful case for why free speech is just as important, if not even more so, for secondary education students as it is for those in higher education. As Ronald C. Den Otter shows, US Supreme Court jurisprudence on this topic lacks consistency and clarity, tending to restrict freedom for these students while giving school officials almost complete control, as in Justice Clarence Thomas's concurrence in Morse v. Frederick. Den Otter argues instead for a stricter version of the Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District substantial disruption test, proposing that public junior high and high school students should be treated the same as students at public universities.

Without ignoring the challenges of hate speech, Den Otter makes a bold and impassioned argument for respecting the autonomy of all students and developing their autonomous capacities. Paternalistic treatment of students in the form of censorship by school authorities is morally and constitutionally unacceptable, according to Den Otter. Instead, American society should see public schools as laboratories in pluralism and democracy, places where students cultivate the civic virtue of tolerance and learn how to disagree in a responsible way. Doing so requires the bedrock foundation of free speech.

And the jacket blurbs:

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AI in Court

AI Prompts Used by Expert Are Subject to Compelled Discovery

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From Judge Thomas O. Farrish (D. Conn.) last Monday in Conservation Law Foundation, Inc. v. Shell Oil Co.:

The defendants, Shell Oil Company and others ("Defendants"), have moved the Court for an order compelling the plaintiff, Conservation Law Foundation, Inc. ("CLF"), to produce materials on which its expert witness, Dr. Naomi Oreskes, relied upon in producing her expert witness report…. The parties … had resolved all issues identified in the letter briefs except for "their dispute concerning Defendants' request for the prompts Dr. Oreskes used in conducting her AI analysis and outputs." …

CLF first protests that artificial intelligence prompts used by an expert witness are not within the scope of discovery under Rule 26(b), but the Court disagrees. An expert witness's methodology is fair ground for discovery, and under the facts of this case, the process by which Dr. Oreskes culled down the defendants' document production into a subset to be worked with is an aspect of that methodology.

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Free Speech

The First Amendment and Off-Duty Police Officer's Counterprotest of Anti-ICE Student Protest

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Some excerpts from the long opinion in Mullen v. Giordano, decided Thursday by Judge Susan Brnovich (D. Ariz.):

The Ninth Circuit has distilled Pickering v. Board of Education (1968) into a five-step inquiry to determine whether a government employer retaliated against a public employee in violation of the First Amendment:

(1) whether the plaintiff spoke on a matter of public concern; (2) whether the plaintiff spoke as a private citizen or public employee; (3) whether the plaintiff's protected speech was a substantial or motivating factor in the adverse employment action; (4) whether the state had an adequate justification for treating the employee differently from other members of the general public; and (5) whether the state would have taken the adverse employment action even absent the protected speech….

[1.] Sgt. Mullen Was Engaged in Protected Activity

First, Plaintiffs can show Sgt. Mullen acted as a private citizen engaged in First Amendment protected activity. Although Sgt. Mullen initially went to Hamilton High School to check on his son, he stayed to counter protest the anti-ICE student protest. Sgt. Mullen was off duty, not in uniform, and did not identify himself as a police officer. Phoenix PD's internal investigation acknowledges that Sgt. Mullen was engaging as a counter-protestor. Chandler PD officers at the scene also considered Sgt. Mullen to be a counter-protestor.

Additionally, Sgt. Mullen wore a face covering and a T-shirt that said, "Trump 2024." … There is no question the anti-ICE student protestors understood Sgt. Mullen's Trump T-shirt to express a message favoring immigration enforcement given their vehement cursing and yelling at him.

Moreover, "there is a First Amendment right to film matters of public interest." "This includes the right to record law enforcement officers engaged in the exercise of their official duties in public places." Sgt. Mullen filmed much of his interactions with the officers and student protestors for his safety and to document the events.

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Politics

Today in Supreme Court History: May 26, 1868

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5/26/1868: Senate acquitted President Andrew Johnson and adjourned as court of impeachment. Chief Justice Chase presided over that trial. Johnson is one of four presidents that did not appoint any Supreme Court Justices. The others are William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, and Jimmy Carter.

President Andrew Johnson

Second Amendment Roundup: Virginia Bans "Assault Firearms"

The General Assembly tests the courts to see what it can get away with.

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Just last year, Justice Elana Kagan wrote for a unanimous Supreme Court in Smith & Wesson Brands v. Estados Unidos Mexicanos that "the AR–15 is the most popular rifle in the country," adding that such rifles are "both widely legal and bought by many ordinary consumers."  And while at the same time the Court denied cert in Snope v. Brown, Justice Brett Kavanaugh issued a statement that the Fourth Circuit "erred by holding that Maryland's ban on AR–15s complies with the Second Amendment" and predicted that "this Court should and presumably will address the AR–15 issue soon, in the next Term or two."

The Virginia General Assembly apparently doesn't want to be outdone by California and the few other outlier states testing the Supreme Court to see if it really means it, as it stated in Heller, that the Second Amendment protects (at a minimum) "arms 'in common use at the time' for lawful purposes like self-defense." Virginia enacted HB 217/SB 749, effective July 1, making the transfer or purchase of an "assault firearm" (defined to include popular semiauto firearms) and magazines holding over 15 rounds a Class 1 misdemeanor, punishable by incarceration for one year.  A second offense makes it unlawful to possess any firearm for three years.

In signing the bill on May 14, Governor Abigail Spanberger stated: "While the General Assembly chose not to adopt my amendment that specifically carves out certain firearms frequently used for hunting, I will work with the patrons to clarify this language."  The governor is correct to concede a point that will be used in litigation challenging the new law, as the Virginia Constitution protects the right to hunt.  I explain the origins of that recognition in "The Constitutional Right to Hunt: New Recognition of an Old Liberty in Virginia," published in William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal (2010).

But the governor ignores that the banned firearms are also "frequently used" for training, target practice, and self-defense.  Besides being protected by the federal Second Amendment, the banned firearms are guaranteed under the Virginia Constitution, Art. I, § 13, which provides in part: "That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state, therefore, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed…."

The Virginia Declaration of Rights of 1776 included the above language without the final "keep and bear arms" clause, although Virginia demanded language similar to what became the Second Amendment when it ratified the U.S. Constitution in 1788.  As I show in "St. George Tucker's Second Amendment," Tenn. J. of L. & Pol'y (2007), the arms right was considered fundamental by Tucker, who was Virginia's finest jurist at the Founding.

In 1964, the Virginia Senate, the House concurring, declared that the Second Amendment right is "an inalienable part of our citizens' heritage in this State," adding "that any action taken by the General Assembly of Virginia to interfere with this right would strike at the basic liberty of our citizens; that no agency of this State or of any political subdivision should be given any power or seek any power which would prohibit the purchase or possession of firearms by any citizen of standing for the purpose of personal defense, sport, recreation or other noncriminal activities…."  In 1970, that statement was relied upon by proponents in the legislature for amending the Virginia Constitution to add the "keep and bear arms" clause, which was overwhelmingly approved by the voters in 1971.  I trace this history in "The Right to Bear Arms in the Virginia Constitution and the Second Amendment," Liberty U. L. Rev. (2014).  See also [now Justice, Va. Supreme Court] Stephen R. McCullough, "Article I Section 13 of the Virginia Constitution: Of Militias and an Individual Right to Bear Arms," U. Richmond L. Rev. (2013).

As an aside, unlike the redistricting amendment that the Virginia Supreme Court found to be illegal on May 8 in Scott v. McDougle, the 1971 amendment had been voted for in two separate legislative sessions, with an intervening election in between.  And fully two-thirds of Virginia's voters approved it.

In DiGiacinto v. Rector & Visitors of George Mason University (2011), the Virginia Supreme Court held that "the protection of the right to bear arms expressed in Article I, § 13 of the Constitution of Virginia is co-extensive with the rights provided by the Second Amendment of the United States Constitution" concerning the "sensitive place" issues in that case.  Pertinent to the gun-ban issue here, the Court repeated Heller's dictum: "Individual self-defense is 'the central component of the right itself.'"

In 2020, bills that would have made it a five-year felony to possess an "assault firearm" failed to pass the General Assembly.  The proposals sparked a prairie fire by almost all Virginia counties, which passed resolutions reaffirming Second Amendment rights and refusing to enforce the unconstitutional proposals.  The Virginia Attorney General opined that these resolutions were meaningless, disregarding that priorities in law enforcement are left to local sheriffs and police and that prosecution is in the discretion of the Commonwealth Attorneys.  I addressed that issue in "Virginia's Second Amendment Sanctuaries: Do They Have Legal Effect?" Regent U. L. Rev. (2020-2021).

And now it's déjà vu all over again.  Scores of Virginia jurisdictions, covering most of the state's land mass, have again passed Second Amendment Sanctuary resolutions.  It's the population center of Northern Virginia that dominates the legislature and has the power to rule the rest of the Commonwealth.  But don't hold your breath waiting for local sheriffs or prosecutors to ferret out who may have committed the crime of transferring a semiauto rifle with an adjustable shoulder stock.  To exemplify the situation, Rob Cerullo, Commonwealth Attorney for Powhatan County, issued a directive stating that "my office will decline prosecution of criminal cases arising from violations of these sweeping bans until a court of competent jurisdiction rules on their legality."

Three lawsuits have already been filed seeking to have the gun ban declared unconstitutional and enjoined.  McDonald v. Katz, filed in the U.S. district court for the Eastern District of Virginia, bases its challenge only on the Second Amendment.  The other two rely on both the Second Amendment and Virginia's Art. I , § 13 – Black v. Hook, filed in Fauquier County circuit court, and Crump v. Katz, filed in Lancaster County circuit court.

Look for another challenge to be filed by the United States.  On April 10, Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon wrote Governor Spanberger about the pending bills: "This letter provides formal notice that the Civil Rights Division will commence litigation in the event the Commonwealth of Virginia enacts certain bills that unconstitutionally limit law-abiding Americans' individual right to bear arms."

14th Amendment

Video of Cato Institute Online Event on the Supreme Court Birthright Citizenship Case

I participated, along with prominent legal scholars Gabriel Chin and Paul Finkelman.

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Milla74/Dreamstime

Last week, I participated in a Cato Institute an online event on "Trump v. Barbara: Birthright Citizenship at the Supreme Court." The other participants were prominent immigration law scholar Prof. Gabriel Chin (UC Irvine) and leading legal historian Paul Finkelman (Univ. of Toledo). Dan Greenberg of the Cato Institute moderated. I have embedded the video of the event below:

 

Part of my presentation for the online event was based on my recent article in Lawfare, where I explained why all the Trump Administration's rationales for denying birthright citizenship to children of undocumented immigrants would, if applied consistently, also have had the effect of denying it to large numbers of freed slaves and their children and other Black Americans, thereby undermining the central objective of the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This issue was raised by Justice Amy Coney Barrett in the Supreme Court oral argument last month.

I also touched on my Volokh Conspiracy blog post where I explained why, although I believe birthright citizenship is superior to currently available alternatives, it is actually a "second-best" policy, not the optimal way to handle issues of migration and citizenship.

Free Speech

Judge Dismisses Author Michael Wolff's Lawsuit Over Melania Trump's Defamation Litigation Threat

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A short excerpt from yesterday's 15K-word opinion by Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil (S.D.N.Y.) Friday in Wolff v. Trump:

In this case, a chronicler of the First Family sues the First Lady because she threatened to sue him for defamation. While Plaintiff and the First Lady have a real dispute, they must litigate it according to the same procedures as everyone else.

Plaintiff asks for a declaration that, if the First Lady sues him, he deserves to win. That is not how the federal courts work. He also contends that he should not be in federal court at all. But, while it may have started in state court, this case was properly removed. Plaintiff and the First Lady are citizens of different states, and the lawsuit she threatened seeks a billion dollars in damages.

There are many features of this case that make it complicated: the prominence of the personalities involved, the scandalizing content of the underlying statements, and, frankly, an inappropriate level of tactical gamesmanship. But the outcome is simple. The Court will not be conscripted to oversee an abusively presented spat and so declines to reach the merits here….

From the Complaint, here are Melania Trump's allegations of what statements are defamatory (the emphasis appears to originate in her demand letter):

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Parental Rights

Texas Juries Decide Child Custody Cases

UPDATE: I've included a reader's pragmatic perspective on why many Texas parents choose not to ask for jury trials.

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In most states, child custody matters are decided by judges; but in Texas, they are in large part decided by juries. Here's a Texas Supreme Court decision from yesterday, Gopalan v. Marsh (written by Justice John Devine), that illustrates this and reaffirms the primacy of the jury as to some such matters:

In this divorce proceeding, the jury found that the father should have the exclusive right to designate the children's primary residence. But the trial court awarded the mother more time with the children under the divorce decree's possession order.

The central issue is whether the court's possession order contravened the jury verdict. We hold that it did. The ordinary meaning of "primary residence" does not encompass a home where the child lives less time than elsewhere, and the statutory context supports that understanding….

Section 105.002(c) of the Family Code provides that "[i]n a jury trial":

(1) a party is entitled to a verdict by the jury and the court may not contravene a jury verdict on the issues of: …

(D) the determination of which joint managing conservator [generally a parent] has the exclusive right to designate the primary residence of the child; … [but]

(2) the court may not submit to the jury questions on the issues of: …

(B) a specific term or condition of possession of or access to the child; or

(C) any right or duty of a conservator, other than a determination under Subdivision (1)(D), (E), or (F).

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The Art of the Deal

The Trump/DOJ Settlement Agreement:—"Utterly stupid, morally wrong."

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Just when you think there is no further outrage that the President of the United States can perpetrate to top all of the preceding outrages, along comes the Great Settlement Agreement of 2026.

Read it for yourself. It's only three pages long. It's titled "Settlement Agreement." It is, however, not a "Settlement Agreement" within the usual and ordinary meaning of that term. You can call a duck a goose, but it's still a duck.

Let's review how we got here. Trump, on January 26, 2026 (while serving as President) filed suit in federal court (SD FL) against the IRS, alleging negligent conduct by an IRS contractor which led to the release of the confidential tax records of millions of people (including Trump), and seeking $10 billion in damages.

This claim is nonsensical and worthless; a reasonable valuation of this claim—i.e., the amount a reasonable person in the claim valuation business would have offered to buy this claim were he allowed to do so—is $0.00. You can't sue yourself; the President runs the IRS; he can fire any or all of the IRS employees, and he can determine IRS policies (including its litigation policies); the President and an Executive Agency wholly within the scope of Presidential control cannot be legal "adversaries." So there is no Article III "case or controversy" where the President is on one side of the case, and the IRS is on the other, and without a case or controversy the court has to dismiss the case for want of jurisdiction.

It would be a good question for a Con Law I exam. The short answer portion; it's too easy for a longer essay.

Trump's lawsuit was going to be dismissed. Everyone—you, me, Pam Bondi, Todd Blanche, Donald Trump—knew that. Read More

Free Speech

FBI Director Kash Patel's Girlfriend's Defamation Suit Over Allegations She Was Israeli Spy Can Go Forward

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From Judge David Alan Ezra (W.D. Tex.) today in Wilkins v. Seraphin:

This case arises from allegedly defamatory statements made by Defendant Kyle M. Seraphin on his podcast show, the Kyle Seraphin Show, about Plaintiff Alexis Wilkins ….

Plaintiff Alexis Wilkins [alleges she] "is a patriotic, conservative, Christian, country music artist and published writer, who also works for a conservative advocacy and educational company, PragerU." Since January 2023, Plaintiff has been in a long-term relationship with Kashyap "Kash" Patel, the Director of the … FBI ….

Defendant Kyle M. Seraphin is a U.S. Air Force veteran and former FBI special agent in the FBI's Counterterrorism Division. A self-proclaimed "Podcaster," "Whistleblower," and "Recovering FBI agent," Defendant hosts the Kyle Seraphin Show, during which he "trades on his insider knowledge of the FBI and his experience in law enforcement" to tell his audience the "uncomfortable truth."

The show, which is livestreamed on YouTube, "Rumble," and Defendant's website, garners wide reach. According to Plaintiff's Complaint, Defendant has over 271,800 followers on X, and his posts frequently reach tens of thousands of views and numerous re-posts. Plaintiff also alleges that Defendant receives income through his video sponsorships, paid membership through YouTube, and donations through YouTube.

On August 22, 2025, Defendant stated the following on the Kyle Seraphin Show:

[FBI Director Kash Patel] has had his own little 'honeypot' issue that's been going on of late, so we're just going to acknowledge it real publicly. He's got a girlfriend that is half his age, who is apparently is both a country music singer, a political commentator on Rumble, a friend of John Rich through Bongino, who also now owns a big chunk of Rumble, and she's also a former Mossad agent in what is like the equivalent of their NSA. But I'm sure that's totally because, like, she's really looking for like a cross-eyed, you know, kind of thickish built, super cool bro who's almost 50 years old who's Indian in America.

Like it has nothing to do with the fact that uh we're really close to the Trump administration. Anyway, I'm sure that's totally just like love.

That's what real love looks like.

Plaintiff alleges that, in making this statement, Defendant falsely and maliciously characterized her as a "honeypot"—which she defines as an agent of a foreign government who began a relationship with another for purposes of manipulating and compromising them—and accused her of "conduct[ing] espionage to undermine [] national security" and "committing treason." …

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