The Volokh Conspiracy
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Again with the Heckler's Veto in a Government Employee Speech Case
Brown, who worked at the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission reposted this item from an Instagram account that "posts satirical social commentary from the perspective of a whale":

This was apparently a reference to Kirk's comments that part of the price of the Second Amendment is that there would be "some gun deaths":
[At an event] held days after three children and three adults were killed in a school shooting in Nashville … Kirk [was] asked by an audience member how to make the point that protecting the Second Amendment is important. Kirk responded that the amendment "is there, God forbid, so that you can defend yourself against a tyrannical government." But "having an armed citizenry comes with a price, and that is part of liberty," he said.
"You will never live in a society when you have an armed citizenry and you won't have a single gun death," Kirk later said. "That is nonsense. It's drivel. But I am — I think it's worth it. I think it's worth to have a cost of, unfortunately, some gun deaths every single year so that we can have the Second Amendment to protect our other God-given rights. That is a prudent deal. It is rational. Nobody talks like this. They live in a complete alternate universe."
(This is of course similar to the arguments that rights supporters routinely make when other rights lead to some amount of foreseeable deaths—the Fourth Amendment, the privilege against self-incrimination, the right to bail in many case, and so on. Characterizing it as "not caring at all" about the deaths strikes me as a poor argument, but that's a separate matter.)
This post became broadly seen (through the "Libs of TikTok" account) and led to lots of criticism, including criticism sent to plaintiff's employer, the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission, which fired her. Plaintiff sued, seeking a preliminary injunction ordering her reinstatement. Judge Mark Walker's decision yesterday in Brown v. Young (N.D. Fla.) denied that preliminary injunction.
Generally speaking, a government employee's speech is protected against employer retaliation if (1) it's said in the employee's capacity as a citizen and not as part of the employee's job, (2) the speech involves "a matter of public concern," and (3) the speaker's "free speech interests outweighed [the employer's] interest in effective and efficient fulfillment of its responsibilities." (This third element is often called the Pickering balance, after the case in which it was articulated.)
The court correctly concluded that the first two elements were satisfied, and that "it's not a close call":
First, it is no answer that Plaintiff's Instagram post, itself, is not original content. Courts have long recognized that re-posting memes or other content from other creators, without further comment, is akin to one's own speech.
Nor can Defendants immunize themselves by recharacterizing Plaintiff's speech as mere "association" with another's speech. Plaintiff spoke when she re-posted the third-party's speech as her own on her Instagram story. Full stop.
Likewise, there is no contention that Plaintiff's Instagram story amounts to unprotected government speech that owed its existence to her job at FWC or was even remotely related to the work she performed … [which was] monitoring imperiled shorebirds and seabirds ….
Defendants also contend that Plaintiff's Instagram story did not touch on a matter of public concern because it conveyed only "personal disdain" and did not contain any "civic commentary." … [But a] public employee's negative opinion about a public figure who has nothing to do with their job is generally not the sort of speech touching on a "personal interest" that garners no protection under the Pickering framework. [See, e.g.,] Rankin v. McPherson (1987) (holding that employee was speaking on a matter of public concern when she told a coworker that if another attempt was made on the president's life, she "hope[s] they get him") ….
It is also no answer that Plaintiff's speech was arguably satirical, sarcastic, or insensitive. "Humor, satire, and even personal invective can make a point about a matter of public concern." Indeed, "[t]he inappropriate or controversial character of a statement is irrelevant to the question whether it deals with a matter of public concern." Rankin.
But the court held that plaintiff hadn't [sufficiently clearly] met her burden "to show that her free speech interest outweighs FWC's interest in the effective and efficient fulfillment of its responsibilities":
Defendant Tucker['s unrebutted declaration] provides evidence that there was a swift and largely negative reaction from the public concerning Plaintiff's Instagram story which "disrupted agency operations, required diversion of staff resources to manage responses, and raised legitimate concerns about the agency's credibility and public trust." While Plaintiff understandably argues that this declaration is short on specifics and largely conclusory, Plaintiff also chose not to seek expedited discovery to depose Defendant Tucker or cross-examine her at the hearing to explore flaws in Defendants' position.
Without more, this Court cannot conclude on this sparse record that the public's negative reaction was not disruptive enough to justify the action FWC took…. "The government's legitimate interest in avoiding disruption does not require proof of actual disruption. Reasonable possibility of adverse harm is all that is required." …
It's still possible that, after further discovery, and perhaps after a trial, plaintiff will be able to show that the public reaction was less disruptive than the government says it was, and that plaintiff's "free speech interests outweighed" the disruption (however such weighing is to be done).
But the basic principle still remains: Under government-as-employer doctrine as it's currently understood, speech is protected only until it draws enough public condemnation. Once the speech (whether left-wing, right-wing, or any other) is publicized enough that enough people complain to the employer, the Pickering balance comes out in favor of allowing the firing.
I discussed this in a post about the subject right after the Kirk murder. As I noted, if one looks at court cases over the last several decades, they have routinely turned on whether the speech created enough public controversy. When the government is administering the criminal law or civil liability, such a "heckler's veto" is generally not allowed: The government generally can't shut down a speaker, for instance, because his listeners are getting offended or even threatening violence because they're offended. But in the employment context, the Pickering balance often allows government to fire employees because their speech sufficiently offends coworkers or members of the public. (The analysis may differ for public university professors, though it's not clear how much; see this post for more.)
This conclusion by lower courts applying Pickering might, I think, stem from the judgment that employees are hired to do a particular job cost-effectively for the government: If their speech so offends others (especially clients or coworkers) that keeping the employees on means more cost for the government than benefit, the government needn't continue to pay them for what has proved to be a bad bargain. Maybe that's mistaken. Maybe it's so important to protect public debate, including on highly controversial matters, that public employers should have to keep on even the most controversial employees (see this article by Prof. Randy Kozel, which so suggests in part). But that appears to be the rule.
We see this, for instance, with statements that are allegedly racist, sexist, antigay, antitrans, etc.: If they cause enough public hostility, or seem highly likely to do so, then courts will often allow employees to be fired based on them. But if they largely pass unnoticed except by management and perhaps just a few people who file complaints, then courts are much more likely to hold that the firings may violate the First Amendment (see, e.g., this post and this post, though there are many other such examples).
There are other factors that courts consider, to be sure: For instance, if the employer can show that a person's speech shows they are unsuited to the job, that makes it easier for the employer to prevail. But even there the magnitude of public reaction is relevant, because one common argument is that one trait required for certain employees is the ability and willingness to instill confidence and respect in coworkers and clients, rather than to produce outrage and hostility.
This creates an unfortunate incentive: Like any heckler's-veto-like rule, it rewards would-be cancellers, if they only speak out often enough and with enough outrage. But rightly or wrongly, that is how these cases generally shape up.
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This is a particularly good post - very helpful.
I wouldn’t think it that difficult for a single critic to set up automated denial-of-service attacks. There may even already be companies set up to offer such services as a package.
For this reason, if the rationale is a cost-benefit analysis, the amount of noise generated and resulting costs need not bear any relationship to the government employee’s actual unpopularity. A single determined and resourced critic, by setting up bots, fake accounts etc. or having a service do this, ought to be able to move the Pickering balance of even an otherwise popular and well-liked employee to negative simply by creating sufficient costs for the government. A cost-benefit interpretation of Pickering does not depend on what causes the costs. It could apply even if a denial-of-service hacker dispenses with simulating widespread opposition and makes an explicit ransom demand. Since investigating hackers and harassers is expensive and firing the employee as ransom is cheaper, the First Amendment would permit government to fire the employee as ransom to minimize its costs.
Ex-spouses and other people with grudges could have a field day pretending to find things a victim posted offensive and initiating denial-of-service campaigns to get them fired. Providing the necessary bot services to support such campaigns could prove a lucrative business.
But the first step to the analysis is that the government agency actually wants to fire the employee as a result of their speech. The Pickering balance and all that only come in to play after that decision is made. So you're concern isn't wrong, but it seems it would not be applicable in most instances - only where the government wants to fire someone and is looking for an excuse.
The employee is being fired because the employee’s speech led to the office being flooded with zillions of emails complaining about it. The emails all complain about the employee’s speech in very strong language. That means you the employee is being fired “as a result of” the employee’s speech.
Given this, why do you see any problem with the Pickering first step?
Isn't ReaderY describing (a) criminal conduct which (b) could be traced back?
"criminal conduct" - Maybe. Depends on whether there's an applicable false-report statute. But probably not since the complaint could be "I find X offensive" - a value-judgement not able to be proven false even if I outright lied.
"which could be traced back" - Again maybe but probably not. At least, not without diverting investigative/prosecutorial resources from more serious and more easily provable (thus winnable) cases.
And? People can commit crimes when complaining about the employee’s speech in a variety of ways. For example, they could send a letter threatening to blow up the office unless the employee is fired. But if the complainer(s) commit crimes while complaining, that doesn’t count in the employee’s favor under Pickering. It makes the cost of retaining the employee higher. And Pickering counts that in favor of firing.
Also, if the complainer used the less drastic approach ans simply created zillions of emails pretending to be from different people with different names and email addresses all complaining about the employee, what crime would that be?
I'll stand by my standard from the 12 September post that EV linked to, and say that this employee should not have been fired; this speech -- at least on its own -- is not an endorsement of Kirk's murder. The employer should have simply responded to critics that the employee was speaking in a private capacity, and the opinion does not reflect the views of the Commission.
There is a difference between what a government should do and what a government is permitted to do. I agree the firing should not have happened. But free speech law can't be based on whether the Judge thinks the speech is especially outrageous or not. There needs to be some objective, non-content based standard. Otherwise, the courts would be getting into the business of deciding what speech is ok and not ok.
I support an objective standard, but I think firing an employee over speech should be allowed for content-based reasons rather than only non-content-based reasons (a la "time, place, manner" restrictions). It should be narrow, but if a public employee advocates murder, revolution, or the like, the employer should be able to fire them. If they express an intent to break the law or violate their clear duties as an employee, the employer should be able to fire them. That's all based on the content of their speech, but I think the lines are objective enough to be appropriate.
OK, after the Charlottesville mess and the woman got killed, a police officer wrote "that's why you don't play in traffic" and the city fired him.
I'm sorry this whole discussion is framed in terms of whether the government should have to deal with the hassle of public reaction to public employee speech, ignoring the speech's actual content.
Back in the 1980s, the Supreme Court dealt with a Sheriff's Department employee who, after an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate President Reagan, publicly wished that "they" would succeed on the next attempt.
Regrettably, the Supreme Court ruled for the employee, but there was a dissent to this 5-4 decision.
Justice White was one of those who joined Scalia's dissenting opinion. Perhaps relevantly, Justice White used to work for JFK.
Anyway, the dissent argued, persuasively in my mind, that the employee's remarks were not on a matter of public concern (despite being in the context, of course, of political disagreement with President Reagan). The remarks were supportive of violent crime against someone the speaker found politically objectionable.
(The dissent *also* pointed out that approval of violent crime was particularly problematic for a law-enforcement employee, but this analysis was arguing in the alternative, rebutting the Court's argument even if one accepted its mistaken assumption that the speech was on a matter of public concern.)
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/483/378/
I'd use the same reasoning as the dissent for statements broadcasting *indifference* to a political assassination, because the victim had the "wrong" views. This isn't contributing to a discussion on "matters of public concern," it's wishing that debate would be cut off through murder. The fact that he said he didn't care for the murders of people he disagreed with, rather than explicitly saying the killing was good, is irrelevant for purposes of this analysis.
The Supreme Court should reject its old majority opinion and adopt the reasoning of the dissent instead.
The notion that the assassination of a political leader isn't a matter of public concern is… odd.
I’d have to review the precedent to really judge, but reading the dissent it seems unconvincing, and reliant on some red scare era 1a jurisprudence, like Harisiades v. Shaughnessy.
Hmmm...the dissent cites Harisiades v. Shaughnessy, a 1952 case involving the deportation of an alien Communist - to say that the First Amendment doesn't protect "advocacy of force or violence."
Now, subsequent to the Harisiades decision, the Court gave some First Amendment leeway for citizens to advocate force and violence (or in many cases to associate with people who advocate it) without being sent to prison. (Whether the precedent still holds as to aliens who advocate force and violence is under litigation now, as I understand).
So they may have exaggerated, or at least failed to give enough context to, the Harisiades decision.
But I think that citation could be deleted without reducing the force of the argument. Even assuming someone can no longer be imprisoned or deported "merely" for advocating deadly violence, I'd say they could be fired from their government job, since the government-as-employer has a broader scope of authority than the government-as-sovereign.
The dissent anticipated your curious interpretation. It accused the majority of
"distorting the concept of 'public concern.' [The majority] does not explain how a statement expressing approval of a serious and violent crime -- assassination of the President -- can possibly fall within that category. It simply rehearses the 'context' of McPherson's statement, which, as we have already seen, is irrelevant here, and then concludes that, because of that context, and because the statement 'came on the heels of a news bulletin regarding what is certainly a matter of heightened public attention: an attempt on the life of the President,' the statement 'plainly dealt with a matter of public concern.'.....I cannot respond to this progression of reasoning except to say I do not understand it. Surely the Court does not mean to adopt the reasoning of the court below, which was that McPherson's statement was 'addressed to a matter of public concern' within the meaning of Connick because the public would obviously be 'concerned' about the assassination of the President. That is obviously untenable: the public would be 'concerned' about a statement threatening to blow up the local federal building or demanding a $1 million extortion payment, yet that kind of "public concern" does not entitle such a statement to any First Amendment protection at all."
IMHO, Scalia sort of misses the point here. It is not that the statement of these things would be a matter of public concern. It is the fact that President Reagan had been shot and it was broadcast over the radio. That incident was a matter of public concern, and the Respondent here was commenting on that.
The cleaner analogy would have been if someone tried to blow up a federal building and the person had said, "I wish he would have done it."
The upshot is that the Respondent here was punished for her speech that was offensive to some. I don't see how Scalia squares his opinion here with his joining of the majority in the flag burning cases a couple of years later. I find that analogy very on point.
IIRC Scalia opposed a law which sent flag-burners to prison. I don't know if he would have protected the job of a flag-burning civil servant.
I'm not sure about your blow-up-a-federal building analogy - a government employee should have no First Amendment right to support assassination, the destruction of buildings, or other violent crimes.
And if a government employee approves a violent crime, what constitutional difference does it make if the news was originally conveyed to him over the radio?
Part of the tension I think is that there is a difference between supporting, really supporting, the assassination of a president and a one-off stupid comment without thinking that you hoped that they would get him this time.
The first could be criminal in the right circumstances and is abhorrent in any. The second just shows that you are not careful with your remarks or lack boundaries in your comments.
People talk like it is the first thing but the real issue is the second. And I think that is the more compelling concern. In the Rankin case, I could understand the second concern.
It isn't so much that she said a mean thing about Reagan, or disliked Reagan's politics, so much that she is employed by a police department casually rattling off about hoping a president is killed. That shows a lack of professionalism and understanding what job you hold.
The unfortunate fact is that the Supreme Court ruled in favor of a law-enforcement employee who openly wished for a political assassination.
Of course it's extra-specially wrong for a government employee who works in law-enforcement to support violent crime. But that doesn't mean we should give a pass to a public employee who works for a non-law-enforcement branch of the government.
All government is based on using force against lawbreakers. If anyone resists the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission (the agency to which the guy in this case belongs) or refuses to pay taxes for it, the law-enforcement branches of the government will get involved.
And indeed, according to Wikipedia, this guy's agency has law-enforcement functions: "Officers are managers, researchers, and support personnel, and perform law enforcement in the course of their duties."
Yes, but that's a nonsensical dissent. Whether something is a matter of public concern is a question about the content; the dissent tries to change it to a question about the viewpoint.
And the hypothetical is a non sequitur. Threats are unprotected under the 1A. Stating that you hope the next presidential assassin succeeds is protected under the 1A. That's unrelated to the "public concern" issue.
I went back to the foundational Pickering opinion. The case was about public-school teachers being fired because they criticized school-funding policies endorsed by by their superiors, in hopes of getting the voters to agree with them and not with the higher-ups:
"the question whether a school system requires additional funds is a matter of legitimate public concern on which the judgment of the school administration, including the School Board, cannot, in a society that leaves such questions to *popular vote* [emphasis added], be taken as conclusive. On such a question free and open *debate* [emphasis added] is vital to informed decisionmaking by the electorate. Teachers are, as a class, the members of a community most likely to have informed and definite opinions as to how funds allotted to the operation of the schools should be spent. Accordingly, it is essential that they be able to speak out freely on such questions without fear of retaliatory dismissal."
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/391/563/
So in the public-employment context (as opposed to regulating the speech of the general public), the key rationale for protecting free speech is to have an *informed public debate* with a view to having a *popular vote* on a contested issue. In the Pickering example, the debate was on how the public should spend its money.
What legitimate public debate does a public employee contribute to by approving violent crimes? How does this educate the public on issues they might be voting on? Supporters of violent crime are seeking to *bypass* debate and voting. Maybe, out of mistrust of government censorship, we can oppose locking up members of the general public for approving violence. But what benefit does it serve to keep the promoters of violence, not only out of prison but on the public payroll?
I do find myself wondering how many times Libs'O'TikTok has decried "cancel culture" ... at least when it's perceived to come from "the left".
On the one hand, government censorship is bad. On the other hand, what private employer would get even an ounce of flak for firing someone with the collossal bad judgement to piss off so many customers?
Yes, the heckler's veto should be viewed with suspicion. Yes, the heckler's veto can suppress public debate by chilling the speech of those who are afraid for their jobs. But that risk is not unique to public empoyees. Private employees' speech can be equally chilled by their employers' reactions to public outcry. The Pickering test merely tries to keep public employers on the same scale as private ones. I don't see that as inherently bad. More to the point, I don't see any way to fix it.
Well, other than drastically reducing the scope of government such that there are far fewer people subject to government-as-employer restrictions. But that merely changes the number, not the nature, of the problem.
As Zarniwhoop alluded to above, conservatives used to pretend they thought cancel culture was bad.
'Bad' does not equal 'something that is illegal'.
Again, censorship is bad - but if cancelling by private employers is legally allowed (and if very clearly is today), why should public employers be held to a vastly different standard?
So bad thing is allowed in one set, so we gotta allow it in another set?
Because the Bill of Rights applies to the government, not private employers?
"why should public employers be held to a vastly different standard?"
The trivially correct response to that is ... the First Amendment. State action is always different than private action.
But that just gets us back to Pickering, which is where we started with EV's analysis.
Exactly. Much as I dislike the discretion and ambiguity inherent in Pickering's balancing tests, I don't see any other way to do it - at least, not without making it functionally impossible for the government to be an employer at all.
You could have the Holmes rule. That is that the 1A only applies to the government vis a vis its relationship as sovereign to a citizen. As an employer it is simply not applicable.
This always made more sense to me. 1A says Congress shall make no law. Incorporated via the 14A, you get something more along the lines of "governmental legislative bodies shall make no law". You probably have to include the administrative state making no regulation, the executive shall make no EO or take no enforcement action, the judiciary shall issue no opinions, etc.
The point is, the 1A is expressed as government governing. Government creating rules that people must follow simply by dint of being present within the government's jurisdiction. Not government creating rules that people voluntarily accept by choosing to be a government employee. Or government creating rules that people voluntarily accept by choosing to attend a government university (mandatory enrollment in primary and secondary school muddying those waters some).
IMO, a lot of this stems from courts wanting to use constitutional law to reinforce civil service/anti-patronage/anti-machine reforms.
In which case the government could require as a condition of employment that all its employees convert to Catholicism. (Freedom of religion is right there next to freedom of speech in the 1A.)
Another problem, beyond the incentive to stir up an online mob, is the employer's ability to respond differently to left- and right-biased online mobs. It will rarely be possible for a dismissed employee to prove that a similarly situation employee was not fired. Most of the time these are one-off incidents. The rest of the time, the employer can say the threats related to Bob were more disruptive than the threats related to Sue.
If the employer fires Rob for being late to work, it will often be difficult for Rob to prove that the firing was pretextual, and based in reality on his political views. If Rob can't meet his burden of proving discrimination, the First Amendment doesn't protect his lateness.
If Rob shows that Sue, whose politics were more in line with her supervisor, was also late but didn't get fired, Rob may have made some progress in proving his case.
To reiterate - I think the government should fire an employer like this* without waiting to see if there's any public outcry. The mere fact that a government employee supports political assassination would justify firing him even if nobody notices what he says or if (chillingly) the public doesn't protest his remarks.
*Exception: as a matter of prudence, if the employee genuinely regrets his impulsive remark and promises to improve, there might be a case for letting him keep the job so long as thereafter he keeps his nose clean. But this doesn't affect the First Amendment argument.
Wait, the employee reposted this on their personal account, or on the employer's? If he made the employer look bad, then adios and don't let the door hit you on the way out. That's how we roll in the private sector.
I disagree with the ruling. I don't think he should have been fired.
The problem I have is that I don't believe that most of these people were "offended" in the way we typically view that term. I think most of the people vehemently disagreed with the employee and saw an opportunity to get him fired. That should not be allowed.
What if it was explicit? What if an organizer said, "He can only be fired under Pickering if you all make your voices heard, so call XXX-XXX-XXXX or email or picket. If we do that, then the government has cover to fire him. If you don't, they can't!"