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Justice Barrett on Common Good Constitutionalism (Updated)
The Justice discusses originalism, common good constitutionalism, and King v. Burwell in a recent interview.
National Review has posted the first half of Dan McLaughlin's interview with Justice Amy Coney Barrett about her new book and other matters. The interview covers a range of topics, including originalism and the interim orders docket, among other things. This bit on originalism and "common good constitutionalism" seemed to be of particular interest.
NR: . . . We have now four Gen X justices, [the others being] Justices Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Jackson. Our generation is actually the first generation to have come of age as lawyers with Scalia opinions, the Federalist Society, and originalism and textualism as serious arguments in the law schools. I had Justice Scalia come to one of my classes once, and debate one of our professors. So, we came of age with that — do you see any difference in the perspective of the four younger justices?
JUSTICE BARRETT: Well, I can only speak for myself, but I think, I guess the difference between when I was in law school and now, in the law just generally, is that originalism has gone from the kind of theory that was often in dissent to now it is a theory held by a majority of justices on the Court. And so, I think when I was a law student and when I was a young lawyer, and frankly, even when I was first a law professor, and I was thinking about originalism, it was a way of critiquing a lot of decisions. But if you're building up, you know, if you're employing it from a position of, hey, this isn't in the dissent, and this isn't a critique, I think it's just a little bit of a different thing. And so I think that now we're at a point where it's probably third-generation originalism.
If you think of first generation as Bork and original intent, and then second generation as Scalia and original public meaning. And I think now it's third generation originalism. I guess I would say, I'm using that to describe debates about, what do you do when the original meaning is evident but not determinative of the meaning? This is, I think, the history and tradition debate that's going on.
I guess I will add one other thing. I think that when originalism in its early iterations, certainly in the first generation and somewhat in the second generation, was very focused on judicial restraint. And that was in part because it was criticizing a method of interpretation that felt a little bit more like the Wild West or more results-oriented. And I think that — this was evident in Justice Scalia's work, as he went on — it's really not a theory of restraint, even though it's a side benefit that if you consider yourself bound by the text, you have an external constraint operating on you. But it's really a theory of law. And I think that's how Justice Scalia regarded it.
But I do think that language of "you should be an originalist, because otherwise you might be a runaway judge," has never really kind of fully gone out of dialogue around originalism.
NR: We're now in a position where there are critics of originalism from the right — people who say: It's too legally positivist. It doesn't consider enough of the common good to achieve everything that the right wants to do. How do you think about or respond to those kind of critiques?
JUSTICE BARRETT: I don't like this common good constitutionalism movement.
It feels to me like it's just results-oriented, and I think that it has all of the defects that originalists critiqued when originalism first became a self-conscious theory in the 1980s. I resist the idea that originalism wasn't around until Scalia, that originalism wasn't around until the '80s, because if you go back and look even at [John] Marshall opinions, and go back to the Founding they were looking at, you know, what did the Framers intend? They might not have always used the language of meaning rather than intent, but originalism, Keith Whittington talks about this. I mean, originalism was always a part of the Court's jurisprudence. But just like that little caveat, I just think that common good constitutionalism is just kind of results-oriented jurisprudence from the right.
I was also interested in this little bit about King v. Burwell.
NR: . . . In the book you talk, you actually get into some reasonably recent cases, hot button cases. . . .You have some, I could say, careful criticism, or at least reference to prior criticism of the King v. Burwell case, which I would note, is a case that the Court seems to have gone out of its way not to cite as a precedent since then.
JUSTICE BARRETT: [Laughs]
NR: It's a little unusual for a sitting justice to be talking about things that are fairly recent and hot. Is that something that you made a conscious choice, that you wanted to get people to understand how the Court thinks, even about recent cases?
JUSTICE BARRETT: So, I was very careful to only discuss — the only reason why I discussed King v. Burwell in a critical way is because I was already on the record as a law professor having criticized it. So, I didn't criticize any other precedent. I took all the Court's precedents as I found it. So I didn't criticize, for example, when I described substantive due process doctrine, I wasn't talking about it like I might have from scratch: "Should this be privileges or immunities clause, you know, etc." So, the only areas that I did criticize existing precedent were things where I was already on the record.
The whole interview is interesting. Part two will be posted over the weekend.
UPDATE: Part two of the interview is here.
Adrian Vermeule has responded to Justice Barrett's critique of common good constitutionalism.
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Professor Whittington with the name check! Kudos.
Can't wait to Josh's commentary on this.
This was probably music to Adler's ears:
"the only reason why I discussed King v. Burwell in a critical way is because I was already on the record as a law professor having criticized it."
King v Burwell is probably the most egregious abandonment of originalism during the Roberts court for strictly policy or political considerations.
Adler wrote on it extensively at the time:
King v Burwell and the Triumph of Selective Contextualism
https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications/1658/
Roberts had already made clear in the NFIB case that he was upholding the law no matter what. He did not want the Court to be accused of knocking down such a major law.
Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh may be the only current justices who are determined to consistently ignore (and violate) the most important principle established by our Constitution. Every other current justice and many recent past justices have authored or joined opinions that emphasize the sovereignty of the people. As far as I've been able to ascertain, Justices Barrett and Kavanaugh (alone) have refrained from doing so. I'm starting to think that the reason might be their purported faith and allegiance to something they see as more important and more powerful than our Constitution: they're both Catholic.
In Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644 (2015), a dissenting opinion by Justices Alito, Scalia and Thomas emphasized, "In our system of government, ultimate sovereignty rests with the people, and the people have the right to control their own destiny." In the majority opinion in Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), Justices Kennedy, Scalia, Thomas and Alito and Chief Justice Roberts emphasized the sovereignty of the people (and some of its significance). In Ariz. State Legis. v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm'n, 576 U.S. 787 (2015) the majority opinion (by Justices Ginsburg, Kennedy, Breyer, Sotomayor and Kagan) did the same. In Gundy v. United States, 588 U.S. 128 (2019), Justices Gorsuch and Thomas and Chief Justice Roberts did the same in a dissenting opinion. Justices Ginsberg and Gorsuch did the same in two separate dissenting opinions in Gamble v. United States, 587 U.S. 678 (2019). Justices Kagan, Ginsburg, Breyer and Sotomayor did the same in a dissenting opinion in Rucho v. Common Cause, 588 U.S. 684 (2019). Justice Thomas did the same in a dissenting opinion in Trump v. Mazars USA, LLP, 591 U.S. 848 (2020). Justice Gorsuch did so again in a concurring opinion in United States v. Vaello-Madero, 596 U.S. 159 (2022). Justice Jackson did the same in a dissenting opinion in Trump v. United States, 603 U.S. 593 (2024).
Sotomayor is Catholic too, as is Thomas, it's not like there isn't A lot of diversity of views among Catholics.
But as for "sovereignty of the people", kind of weird the founding fathers didn't provide for national referendums, or any other mechanism to divine the will of the people other than voting for the House of Representatives. In fact they set up the Electoral College and the Senate in such a way to insulate them from "sovereignty of the people", although we've reformed those institutions to be more responsive since then.
And even for State government the Constitution guarantees a Republican form of government.
But really, I'll bite, just what mechanism should be used to express the will of the people? The courts seem the least appropriate because their duty is to read the law and say what it means, not make it or conduct referendums.
Kazinski, you may be mistaking my point. I don't care (and I don't think anyone should care) about any judge's religious beliefs--unless the judge fails to fulfill his duty under Article VI and federal law (5 U.S.C. 3331; 28 U.S.C. 453) to support our Constitution. Every judge is required to be independent of everything (every purported authority or fact) except those that our Constitution require or permit a judge to consider.
Our Constitution says a lot about how the people may express their will, individually or collectively. That's necessarily the primary point of everything in the First Amendment (securing the freedom of thought, expression, communication and association, including by voting or by litigation in court proceedings).
I'm concerned about any judge who won't acknowledge the sovereignty of the people because they will not understand our Constitution the way the people who wrote and ratified it intended it to be understood.
But why do you think Kavanaugh's/Barrett's alleged lack of belief in the "sovereignty of the people" has anything to do with Catholicism?
Of the cases you cite, several were decided before either Kavanaugh or Barrett was on the Court. Is it really fair to blame them for not joining the majority opinion in Citizens United or Obergefell when they weren't Supreme Court justices at the time? The opinions you cite from after they joined the Court are all concurrences or dissents. It strikes me as quite a stretch to regard a decision not to join a concurrence or dissent as proof of a justice's denial of the "sovereignty of the people." It is an even further stretch to ascribe such decision to a Vatican plot.
CommentMonkey, who but you said anything about a "Vatican plot"? I'm also not "blaming" those justices for anything. I'm pointing out a fact that I believe is cause for concern. As I said, I'm starting to think that the reason might be their purported faith and allegiance to something they see as more important and more powerful than our Constitution.
The primary reason I'm starting to think that is that they never have (that I've seen) even mentioned the sovereignty of the people--while every other current justice and many recent prior justices have done so. Their silence about that crucial principle is the main cause for concern. The second most significant reason is the way that they purport to justify some of the judgments and opinions in which they author or join. The third reason is the same reason that many of the people who wrote or ratified our Constitution feared Catholicism. They were very concerned with anyone who had an avowed or perceived loyalty to an authority purportedly superior to our Constitution. That's one reason Article VI emphasized that "no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States" and Amendment I emphasized that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof."
Kazinski, it's not at all weird that the people who wrote and ratified our original Constitution or the Bill of Rights did not provide for, e.g., national referendums. James Madison explained the principles in The Federalist No. 51 when he explained why the U.S. as a republic comprising vast territory would be superior to a small republic:
"In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments [state and federal], and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments [legislative, executive, judicial]. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people. The different governments will control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself. Second. It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part. Different interests necessarily exist in different classes of citizens. If a majority be united by a common interest, the rights of the minority will be insecure."
"There are but two methods of providing against this evil: the one by creating a will in the community independent of the majority that is, of the society itself; the other, by comprehending in the society so many separate descriptions of citizens as will render an unjust combination of a majority of the whole very improbable, if not impracticable. The first method prevails in all governments possessing an hereditary or self-appointed authority. This, at best, is but a precarious security; because a power independent of the society may as well espouse the unjust views of the major, as the rightful interests of the minor party, and may possibly be turned against both parties. The second method will be exemplified in the federal republic of the United States. Whilst all authority in it will be derived from and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broken into so many parts, interests, and classes of citizens, that the rights of individuals, or of the minority, will be in little danger from interested combinations of the majority. In a free government the security for civil rights must be the same as that for religious rights. It consists in the one case in the multiplicity of interests, and in the other in the multiplicity of sects. The degree of security in both cases will depend on the number of interests and sects; and this may be presumed to depend on the extent of country and number of people comprehended under the same government. This view of the subject must particularly recommend a proper federal system to all the sincere and considerate friends of republican government, since it shows that in exact proportion as the territory of the Union may be formed into more circumscribed Confederacies, or States oppressive combinations of a majority will be facilitated: the best security, under the republican forms, for the rights of every class of citizens, will be diminished: and consequently the stability and independence of some member of the government, the only other security, must be proportionately increased. Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. In a society under the forms of which the stronger faction can readily unite and oppress the weaker, anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state of nature, where the weaker individual is not secured against the violence of the stronger."
I am curious as to whether Chief Justice Roberts and/or Justices Today, Alito, Sotomayor, Kavanaugh and Bear It believe literally in the doctrine of transubstantiation. Holding such a ridiculous belief should render suspect anything else any one of them might say.
"...I just think that common good constitutionalism is just kind of results-oriented jurisprudence from the right."
Me too, Justice Barrett. Me too.
That's why I don't accept common good constitutionalism as a valid form of originalism, even when its self-described adherents claim it is. Glad to see her step through the recent public advocacy evolution of the thing many call originalism. It won't, but it should knock down many of the straw men that people try to use in criticizing it. The biggest being that it does not claim to answer any and all questions definitively. I accept her suggestion the next place to look is history and tradition, not the contemporary feels of the particular judge (liberal or conservative).
Looking forward to part 2, hadn't heard about this before now.
It doesn’t purport to be originalism.
It’s pitched as a replacement for originalism that gives conservatives more of what they want while looking kinda like a method of interpretation.
Well, it is, and it's not a form of originalism at all.
Rather, it's a response to the perception that originalism has failed. That there are just so many major non-originalist precedents that nominally 'originalist' justices lack the courage or maybe even the desire to reverse, that living constitutionalism has won.
I mean, does anyone think Wickard is ever going to be reversed? The Court doesn't even have the guts to deep six 'substantive due process' and revive the P&I clause! Living constitutionalism DID win, all originalists are willing to do in the end is halt its march until living constitutionists are a majority on the Court and can resume it again. They're not willing to march BACK.
So living constitutionalism, the winner, will be a game both sides play. That's common good constitutionalism.
I hate it, because conservatives will never play that game as well as liberals, their hearts aren't in it.
This is an idea I've articulated before conceptually, but I was unaware this is what CGC means.
My thoughts. First, while I don't embrace it, it seems like a fair position to hold. As in, it's fair game. Second, if your desire is to have an originalism that reverses Wickard and so on, this CGC is probably an inevitable step on the way.
It's not originalism:
"Two years ago, [Professor Adrian Vermeule] announced that originalism had "outlived its utility" for producing a "substantively conservative approach to constitutional law and interpretation." In Common Good Constitutionalism, he offers a new constitutional manifesto, expounding a philosophical vision that might "direct persons, associations, and society generally toward the common good."
https://reason.com/volokh/2022/08/16/the-common-good-manifesto/
conservatives will never play that game as well as liberals, their hearts aren't in it.
Ah. The virtuous, intellectually rigorous, conservatives vs. the cunning, underhanded liberals.
Get over it, Brett.
The right and left have different flaws, Bernard.
I’m so glad the justices get summers off, like the rest of us, for their real jobs: writing books and giving speeches for oodles of money.
Interesting stuff.
I'm not sure what the "common good constitutionalism movement" is exactly. But I have a feeling those that are into it would disagree with her description of it.
Justice Barrett's description was consistent with the description of the guy who coined the expression. See https://hls.harvard.edu/bibliography/common-good-constitutionalism/ ("law's purpose is to promote the goods a flourishing political community requires" including "morality").
To many people morality is very closely associated with religion. So purported adjudications based on morality risk violating (at least) the First Amendment's prohibition on any practices tending toward "an establishment of religion." It also risks violating the duty of all public servants "to support" our "Constitution" (not their religion or any religious authority) as the paramount authority among the three sources of "the supreme Law of the Land" (per Article VI).
"To many people morality is very closely associated with religion."
But Voltaire had a version of morality, as did Marx and Ayn Rand, though they would disdain to call themselves religious.
In fact, if someone has an idea of what's right and wrong, then they have a moral vision. Whether the vision they have is a good one, is another question.
Say what you will about Earl Warren, he wouldn't cringe at the idea of being result-oriented.
Some quotes in support of results-oriented judging:
"Defend the poor and fatherless; Do justice to the afflicted and needy." /Psalm 82:3-4 (NKJV)
"“I, ___ ___, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich..." /Federal judicial oath, 28 U.S. Code § 453
To be clear, ignoring the actual text of the law *is* a bad result, but adopting, among different plausible interpretations of the text, that interpretation which best upholds the common good, sounds like a wonderful kind of result-oriented judging.
Barrett’s judicial philosophy will change so that Republicans win. Constitutional Calvinball.
It bears noting the first sentence of the Constitution:
"We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."
An originalist reading of the Constitution does require support for a common good interpretation, as that's among the explicitly stated purposes of the document itself. (Not in those exact words but, in at least one place, it's not too far from them either.)
To be sure, that shouldn't conflict with the express letter of what's written nor go off into "Living Document" readings, but among the realm of reasonable readings, the one which best accomplishes the above list - or reduces the harms to those things - would be the preferred reading.
Hyronymous, "common good" is just a label. It's arguably even a euphemism. The law professor who coined the expression emphasized his point is that "law's purpose is to promote" (among other things) "morality." See https://hls.harvard.edu/bibliography/common-good-constitutionalism/ .
To many people morality is very closely associated with religion. So purported adjudications based on morality risk violating (at least) the First Amendment's prohibition on any practices tending toward "an establishment of religion." Such purported adjudications also risk violating the duty of all public servants "to support" our "Constitution" (not any religion or any religious authority) as the paramount authority among the three sources of "the supreme Law of the Land" (per Article VI).
Also, "common good" sounds pretty good except to the people who are required to bear the burden. Much in our Constitution is designed to protect individual rights instead of the mere "common good." The first 10 amendments to our Constitution repeatedly emphasized that very point. Our Constitution protects our rights to our own thoughts, expression, communication, association (as secured by the First Amendment), our rights to self-defense and self-preservation (as secured by the First and Second Amendments), our rights in our "persons, houses, papers, and effects" (as secured by the Third and Fourth Amendments), our right not to be subjected to "involuntary servitude" (as secured by the Thirteenth Amendment), and our right not to be deprived of "life" or any "liberty" or any "property" before being afforded all "process of law" that is "due" and the right not to have any "private property be taken for public use, without just compensation" (as secured by the Fifth Amendment).
"Much in our Constitution is designed to protect individual rights instead of the mere "common good.""
Individual rights are part of the common good. The better part of it, I think.
And to the extent that the government is doing anything other than promoting the public good, (Or the "general welfare", to use another term.) it lacks all moral justification for its existence, devolves into just the rule of the strong over the weak.
Government does many things which are, when done privately, clearly understood to be wrongs. It steals, it kidnaps, it enslaves. It's just that, when government does these things, we use different words for them.
If it's not doing them for the benefit of the people wronged? It has no justification at all, it's no longer a necessary evil, it's just an evil.
I think the idea is that individual rights sometimes cause a result that is counter to the "common good" but our Constitution recognizes them in spite of that.
For example, if there was no 4A and the police could search homes at will, imagine the number of abused children, kidnapping victims, and drug distribution schemes that would be uncovered that are today not detected because they are hidden under the shield of the 4A.
Wouldn't it be better for the common good that those activities are uncovered?
And I agree that individual rights seem more important than full efficiency at crime fighting, but it is a trade off, no? Which is why I have a problem with the idea of judging by this supposed "common good" standard. Our Constitution doesn't pursue that at all costs.
The Constitution pursues it, but not in a simple minded way. With an understanding that things need mechanisms, you can't maximize, you can maybe optimize.
This is a good policy prescription, but hanging it on the Constitution is silly.
This isn't text or original intent.
It's BrettLaw!
I often wonder if you've actually READ the Constitution...
"
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." ..
"The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States;"
That's 2 words that you're hanging 'With an understanding that things need mechanisms, you can't maximize, you can maybe optimize' on.
The words don't say that.
I'm no originalist, but I don't know of any theory of interpretation that constitutionalizes that kind of broad policy aphorism.
No, the words of the Constitution itself don't say that, specifically. Maybe you should read the other writings of the founders, to understand their reasoning?
Federalist 51, for instance...
" It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself."
If it's not doing them for the benefit of the people wronged?
Amazing to here this coming from someone that supports so much evil this admin is doing.
Kind of an object lesson of why moral axioms alone are useless - they become rationalizations.
If you want to have a good government, you need to set up and trust your institutions, not come in sidewise and tear them all down because you've got a notion.
Gotta point out that it was drilled into me that the 1926 Supreme Court decision in Village of Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. was the canonical case related to common good when I was a student in the mid 1970s till shit like Kelo made a farce of it. YMMV
Professor Adler, thank you for publishing this. National Review has much interesting content, but too much of it is hidden behind a pricey paywall