The Volokh Conspiracy
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The Government's Cert Petition to the Supreme Court in Our Tariff Case - and Our Response
We agree the Court should take the case and resolve it as quickly as possible, to minimize the harm caused by the illegal tariffs.

Earlier this week, the Trump administration filed a petition for certiorari urging the Supreme Court to review the Federal Circuit decision in the case challenging the president's massive "Liberation Day" tariffs, brought by the Liberty Justice Center and myself on behalf of five small businesses harmed by the tariffs (we were later joined by leading constitutional law scholars and Supreme Court litigators Neal Katyal and Michael McConnell). The government also submitted a motion for expedited review.
Today, we submitted a response to the petition, in which we agree the Supreme Court should hear the case and resolve it quickly, so as to put an end to the harm caused by the illegal tariffs as quickly as possible. We previously prevailed in the Court of International Trade, and on appeal in the Federal Circuit, and I hope the Supreme Court - should it take the case - will rule the same way.
Our case is consolidated with one filed by twelve state governments, led by the state of Oregon. Both challenge massive tariffs Trump has imposed under his supposed authority under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977 (IEEPA).
By now, this litigation has generated thousands of pages of briefs and other filings, and 176 pages of judicial opinions (if I have the count right). But underneath all the legalese, the central issue at stake is actually a simple one: Does our constitutional system give one man - the president - the power to impose any tariffs he wants, in any amount, on any nation, at any time, for any reason? If the answer is "no," then the IEEPA tariffs are illegal.
And the answer should indeed be "no," because the Framers of the Constitution carefully avoided giving the executive the kind of unbridled tax authority claimed by power-grabbing English monarchs, like Charles I. The president cannot wield monarchical power, and letting him do so is an affront to the rule of law.
We have presented an assortment of more detailed reasons why "no" is the right answer to the central question raised by this case: the fact that IEEPA doesn't even mention tariffs and has never previously been used to impose them, that there is no "unusual and extraordinary threat" of the kind required to invoke IEEPA, the major questions doctrine, the constitutional nondelegation doctrine, and more. These points are covered in much greater detail in our various legal filings (see the Liberty Justice Center site for a compilation), and in some of my earlier writings about the litigation.
If the Supreme Court takes the case, there may well be many additional briefs, and other filings. Such materials are important. But it is also essential to remember the deeper principle underlying all the details: the president is not a king, and our Constitution does not grant him monarchical power.
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The President is not King, but at least he is working to improve America, instead of importing millions of foreigners to destroy it.
The most ironically oblivious post so far in 2025. When historians look back on the Trump era, and wonder how people could have been dumb enough to have voted for him (twice or thrice!!!), I hope Roger's post is front-and-center, as Exhibit One.
You can't make this stuff up, folks.
The president has comprehensive statutory authority in a national emergency to regulate foreign commerce, from initial investigation to outright prohibition. Imposing tariffs on imported goods falls indisputably within that broad regulatory spectrum. Furthermore, Congress did not exclude tariffs from its sweeping grant of authority in § 1702, Paragraph (b) where it specifies four other regulatory powers that are excluded from the grant. If Congress had intended to exclude tariffs from its grant of authority, it could have done so in Paragraph (b). Therefore, the president's authority to regulate by tariff is clearly implied in Congress' sweeping grant of regulatory authority in times of declared national emergency.
Game, set, and match!
Bottom line, two courts so far claim they have the authority to define emergencies while the executive claims that same authority. SCOTUS would literally destroy the balance of powers siding with the judiciary in this case and will not do so.
Mr. Somin's only redress is with the legislative branch. Congress needs to write with clearer limits and restrictions for Ilya to get what he wants.
Of course when SCOTUS rules against him the sanctimony and recriminations will flow.