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My New Dispatch Article on Judicial Review of Emergency Powers
It makes the case for strong judicial review of executive invocations of sweeping emergency powers.

Today, The Dispatch published my article "Not Everything is an Emergency" (gift link; for another paywall-free link, see here). Here is an excerpt:
The Trump administration has attempted to make sweeping use of emergency powers in the areas of immigration, trade, and domestic use of the military. In each case, President Donald Trump has tried to use powers legally reserved for extreme exigencies—invasion, war, grave threats to national security—to address essentially normal political challenges. If he is allowed to get away with them, these abuses would set dangerous precedents and gravely threaten civil liberties and the structure of our constitutional system.
Each of these efforts has resulted in litigation, and in each case the administration claims the issues in question are left to virtually unreviewable executive discretion. The president alone supposedly gets to determine whether an emergency exists and (with few or no limitations) what should be done about it. Courts have mostly rejected the argument that the president has the power to define terms such as "invasion." But they have often been overly deferential to presidential determinations about relevant facts, such as whether an "invasion" (correctly defined) has actually occurred. At least one judge has also embraced the view that these issues are unreviewable "political questions." It is vital that courts engage in full, nondeferential review of administration invocations of emergency powers. None of the arguments against doing so outweigh the immense dangers of letting the president invoke these powers at will…..
The Trump administration has attempted to make sweeping use of emergency powers in the areas of immigration, trade, and domestic use of the military. In each case, President Donald Trump has tried to use powers legally reserved for extreme exigencies—invasion, war, grave threats to national security—to address essentially normal political challenges. If he is allowed to get away with them, these abuses would set dangerous precedents and gravely threaten civil liberties and the structure of our constitutional system.
Each of these efforts has resulted in litigation, and in each case the administration claims the issues in question are left to virtually unreviewable executive discretion. The president alone supposedly gets to determine whether an emergency exists and (with few or no limitations) what should be done about it. Courts have mostly rejected the argument that the president has the power to define terms such as "invasion." But they have often been overly deferential to presidential determinations about relevant facts, such as whether an "invasion" (correctly defined) has actually occurred. At least one judge has also embraced the view that these issues are unreviewable "political questions." It is vital that courts engage in full, nondeferential review of administration invocations of emergency powers. None of the arguments against doing so outweigh the immense dangers of letting the president invoke these powers at will….
Nondeferential judicial review of invocations of emergency powers is an application of the judiciary's normal role in interpreting the law and applying it to the relevant facts. Moreover, the use of terms denoting extraordinary dangers (such as "invasion," "rebellion," or "emergency") counsels against interpreting them in ways that allow invocation of these powers in normal times. Otherwise, these words become superfluous, and emergency powers turn into blank checks for executive power grabs.
The same point applies to factual deference. Courts routinely assess whether the factual prerequisites for applying a law are present. Emergency powers should not be an exception. Otherwise, the government could get around constitutional and other constraints on its authority simply by engaging in lying and misrepresentation about the facts on the ground.
In litigation over all three of its major invocations of emergency powers—immigration, tariffs, and domestic use of the military—the administration has also invoked the "political questions" doctrine, which holds that some issues are off limits to the judiciary, because they have been left to the political process…. But there is no general principle holding that invocations of emergency powers are exempt from judicial scrutiny….
Some defenders of the administration's position argue that courts should defer to the executive's specialized expertise on emergency power issues. But a genuine emergency does not require much expertise to detect. You don't have to be an expert to understand that Russia's assault on Ukraine is an "invasion" or that the COVID pandemic was an "emergency." The very enormity of true emergencies generally makes detection easy.
In rare cases where specialized knowledge is required, courts can take expert testimony and consider scientific evidence, as they routinely do in other situations. Courts also have procedures for considering classified information, when necessary….
Elsewhere in the article, I discuss the enormous issues at stake in cases involving dubious invocations of emergency powers:
Advocates of judicial deference claim it is important to give the president discretion to combat threats. But the enormous risks such deference poses easily outweigh any possible advantage of increased executive flexibility. If illegal migration and drug smuggling qualify as an "invasion," the federal government, under the Constitution, could suspend the writ of habeas corpus whenever it wants, thereby gaining the authority to detain people without due process or filing charges. If properly invoked, the AEA allows detention and deportation even of legal immigrants.
In addition, the weak due process protections mean U.S. citizens may get ensnared in the process, as often happens even with ordinary deportations….
Likewise, normalizing domestic use of the military poses obvious dangers to civil liberties and social order. Routine use of the military for such purposes is a grave menace, and a hallmark of authoritarian regimes.
The stakes with Trump's IEEPA tariffs are also very high. If not struck down, they are expected to impose some $1.9 trillion in tax increases on Americans over the next decade, costing the average household some additional $1,000 per year, while also raising prices and greatly diminishing economic growth. In addition, giving one man total control over tariffs undermines the rule of law and the expectations of stability on which the international economy depends.
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I think the author must have ghost-written Justice Jackson's dissent in Trump v C.A.S.A., which was well answered by Justice Barrett: "We observe only this: JUSTICE JACKSON decries an imperial Executive while embracing an imperial Judiciary." Congress granted the Executive, not the Judiciary, to declare an emergency, and if Congress doesn't approve of the President's use of that power it can rescind it or add conditions to its exercise. Better that the elected branches sort this out.
And nobody suggests the judiciary can declare an emergency, so I don't see the point of your observation. That the president has been vested with discretion does not mean he has been vested with unreviewable discretion. That's not discretion; that's a carte blanche.
It already did add conditions to its exercise! That's the whole point! If the president can unilaterally decide whether the original conditions have been met, he can unilaterally decide whether additional conditions have been met.
The point of the observation is that if the Judiciary has the power to decide that an emergency does not exist, that is merely the other side of the coin of the power to declare that one does. There are, and should be, unreviewable actions of the Executive and Legislative branches. I believe this should be one. Courts are a poor forum for weighing all of the facts that would support a declaration of emergency. Among the conditions that Congress could impose would be a time limit on the President's declaration of an emergency unless Congress affirms the declaration.
It is not. One is an active power that grants the government additional powers it doesn't ordinarily have, and one is a reactive power that can only be used if someone is harmed by the government's action, and just preserves the status quo.
Only where the constitution grants them unbridled discretion, which are very rare. And in this particular case, there is no such grant.
If "emergency" bore some relation to the ordinary everyday use of the term, maybe. But if it just means that the president can say a magic word and do whatever he wants, then courts are perfectly capable of reviewing the factual basis for the claim.
And if the president extends the emergency deadline past that time limit? Do you think courts can step in then?
The Dispatch. That's all I need to know.
I am surprised you know that much