The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Does Justice Jackson See The Irony In Her Libby Dissent?
KBJ found the representative's vote would not "impact the outcome" of any vote; ditto for KBJ's dissent.
Today, the Supreme Court granted Laurel Libby, a Maine state representative, an emergency injunction pending appeal. Justice Sotomayor would have denied the injunction, and Justice Jackson wrote a dissent.
I wrote about this case nearly a month ago. Circuit Justice Jackson took her time to call for a response and set the deadline after the Maine legislative session began. In other words, she made it impossible for the Court to provide timely relief. That is some chutzpah after the Supreme Court maligned Judge Wes Hendrix for not ruling in the span of hours. On April 30, I wrote "The Court moves heaven and earth to block removal of alleged gang members who are almost certainly removable, but stays silent when citizens of Maine lose their elected representative." I'm glad their priorities are straight. On May 1, the Court called for a response, which would be due on May 8.
Today, May 20, the Court finally granted relief. It took the Court twelve days after the briefing concluded to issue the order. I have to think the majority settled on this outcome pretty quickly, especially considering the lopsided vote. What was the delay? It was likely to allow Justice Jackson to write her five-page dissent. When A.A.R.P. came out after midnight, Justices Alito and Thomas noted their dissent is forthcoming. That is always an option. But here, the majority prevented Libby from participating in the session, even as there were five votes to grant relief.
Why did Jackson deny relief? In part, she found no injury was imminent:
Meanwhile, before us, the applicants have not asserted that there are any significant legislative votes scheduled in the upcoming weeks; that there are any upcoming votes in which Libby's participation would impact the outcome; or that they will otherwise suffer any concrete, imminent, and significant harmwhile the lower court considers this matter.
I'm not sure this is correct. Page 1 of the application listed votes that she had already missed:
Libby and her district had no vote on the State's $11 billion budget, had no vote on a proposed constitutional amendment, and will have no vote on hundreds more proposed laws including—most ironically—whether Maine should change its current policy of requiring girls to compete alongside transgender athletes.
But beyond the factual issues, Jackson seems to hedge--there are no votes on which Libby's vote would "impact the outcome." How can Jackson possibly know this? The legislature currently has (according to Wikipedia) 76 democrats, 73 republicans, 3 "others." Does Jackson just assume a Republican member cannot affect the outcome of a vote?
But even more troubling, Justice Jackson apparently does not see the irony of her own position. Her dissent did not "impact the outcome" of the case. Yet, she was able to drag the case on for nearly a month so she could signal to everyone her views on the emergency docket. A vote in dissent does affect the process. People can see the "no" vote, even if it is solo, and react accordingly. That applies to the legislative branch even more-so, where members are accountable for their votes and no-votes.
I think Justice Kagan did not join this opinion for good reason.
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
Sometimes I wonder if Blackman is a dishonest hack. And sometimes I wonder if he's just illiterate:
She can't. Which is why she didn't say that!
Here's what she said — and I know, because it's actually quoted above:
Never paraphrased?
By the way can Jackson foresee the future?
I don't know. What are you talking about, and how does it respond to what I wrote?
Jackson should know that Libby as a mere human being is not able to KNOW the future with any certainty. Libby did not forecast the World Series winner either. Jackson should be ashamed.
Okay, but actually the standard for interlocutory relief is not "can you forecast the World Series winner", it's "can you point to specific discrete harms if you don't get relief at this juncture". I am not sure whether or not the appropriate harm is that the vote is decisive (versus harm per se from not voting, which is what I assume the random state legislator everyone suddenly cares about is asserting) but that strikes me at least as arguable so it doesn't seem wildly irrelevant to the response.
Or I could have just said this.
I think your comment aptly demonstrates who is the dishonest hack here.
Agreed!
Why do you think that makes her look better?
A distinction without a difference. And just useless and impossible burden shifting. One must have certainty that their vote will be decisive in the future before they can receive relief?
I very much doubt that Jackson would impose the same impossible burden in cases of voter suppression. How does one prove their vote might matter? Polls?
As has been pointed out, based on the probability that your vote would impact the outcome, voting at all might be considered economically irrational. But if no one voted, we wouldn’t have a democracy.
She didn’t say that there aren’t any such votes, of course: she said that “the applicants have not asserted” that here are, which seems to be an accurate statement. (You even quoted her saying it!) The budget passed the house 76-66 and the constitutional amendment was 27 votes short of passing, so neither of those are good examples.
Why does there need to be? Why is that the determinate for whether or not it's constitutional to disenfranchise a whole district?
If you think that's responsive to Noscitur a sociis's comment, you're as reading comprehension challenged as Josh.
I understand that Noscitur is just clarifying facts and was just wondering why KJB felt there needed to be a vote where the outcome would be impacted in order for this to be an issue.
He's a lawyer, I'm not. Maybe there's some standard legal doctrine she is following... some esoteric legal principle that she's standing on that requires this representative demonstrate they will be the key vote in some upcoming legislative session on a significant issue.
How are cases that are exigent fit into this. Meaning, had there been an emergency vote, the Rep could not have participated. Nobody knows the future, the point is, I think, the Justice Jackson needlessly dragged out the process.
Is that part true? Meaning, the ruling could have come out much sooner.
Deporting people to foreign torture prisons, where the U.S. government claims it can't get them back, is still more serious than a legislator not being able to vote in the legislature, according to state legislature rules as authorized by its constitution.
Justice Jackson's dissent spells out why the Court should not intervene here. Since no one in the majority says anything to explain why they did, I'm not sure why they think she's wrong.
Justices stay silent in these cases for a variety of reasons. Kagan particularly carefully picks her spots. Her not joining Jackson's detailed views in a shadow docket order is far from surprising.
"... torture prisons,..."?
Try DC metro, Riker's, Fulton County ......
Yes, those too. US prison conditions can be appalling.
While I fortunately have no personal experience, I suspect that any prison intended for violent criminals, anywhere in the world, even in touchy feely places like Sweden, is going to be a not-very-nice place. But the difference between the U.S. ones and CECOT is that the former both requires due process before one gets put in and allows for due process to get out. And allows for contact with the outside world while one is in, on top of that.
As a Maine taxpayer, I beg to differ Joe.
I don't think you realize just how closely that legislature is divided -- of the 151 House members there are: 76 Democrats, 73 Republicans, 1 Independent, 1 Unenrolled.
But it's not just that -- had less than a total of 100 voters changed their votes in a few key districts, there would be a Republican majority right now.
It's not Libby's vote but her voice -- if she had changed just three D votes on a party-line issue (and most were this year), the Republicans would have won. She's not a back bencher, people are talking about her running for Governor next year.
But how do you balance harm to over a million taxpayers to harm to one man?
Twelve days later in Maine: the S.Ct. could grant effective relief.
Twelve hours later in A.A.R.P.: the S.Ct. could not grant effective relief.
That's why one case moved faster than the other. Can I get a "duh!"?
FFS! This is not hard to understand! Courts do not have to operate on a strict FIFO basis.
Accurate understanding is not what Blackman peddles.
Try three months -- in which the Dems 3 vote majority in a 151 member body became a 4 vote majority.
Are all of those votes going to be redone?
"I have to think the majority settled on this outcome pretty quickly, especially considering the lopsided vote."
We don't know this. Lopsided votes occur for a variety of reasons.
Also, the lack of public dissent in this sort of case doesn't mean a justice agrees with the result. Furthermore, if a justice was overly concerned, they could have flagged their dissent from Jackson's comments, stating the troubling nature of the delay.
We can, like JB, just assume away, with varying degrees of likelihood of being correct.
I tend to agree that this was a big enough emergency to warrant emergency relief. Every vote this legislator missed disenfranchised her constituents. That is irreparable harm in my book, even if it did not affect the outcome.
The situation in AARP was an even bigger emergency, presenting even worse harm even more imminently.
The majorities did the right thing in both cases.
It DID affect the outcome in two ways -- first, it's 76 Democrats, 73 Republicans (with her vote) -- if three Dems vote with the GOP, they win.
But more importantly, the speaker made an example of her and that was more to scare the Democrats into not voting with the Republicans.
Did that happen?
Yes, the censure could have already affected legislation, even if no bill was decided by one vote.
Actually it would only take two D votes to switch the outcome.
Did you teach arithmetic?
I agree.
The next time Jackson hears a voting rights case, I look forward to someone arguing that Black votes are not significant anyway.
"None of the Black applicants have asserted that their vote will affect the outcome of any upcoming election..."
I mean, that sounds like something a white Justice would say.
Where is this quote from?
It's a fictional quote that I created as satire.
Gotcha. Thank you.
Does KBJ cite any case for support about her "wouldn't have affected the outcome" standard? It seems wrong to me.
If I lose a vote 700-3, and I'm one of the three, I get the satisfaction of knowing that my vote counted and I did what I could to stake out my position. That is something that is absent in a 700-2 vote where I was excluded.
This is the second time in the last two or three days that you have evinced an inability to understand how equitable relief works.
I don't believe that you understand how it works. It works on precedent the same as law. It's not the wild west where a judge can do anything she wants.
There have surely been equitable cases in the past about voting rights and I'll venture a guess that as long as a straw poll shows that your single vote won't make a difference, the equitable decision is not "no harm, no foul."
I have to think the majority settled on this outcome pretty quickly, especially considering the lopsided vote.
No. You don't have to think that. It's guess, maybe a reasonable one, but still a guess.
What was the delay? It was likely to allow Justice Jackson to write her five-page dissent.
Worse guess. You have no idea what was going on.
Yet you pile up guesses and misstatements (Jackson did not claim there no important votes coming up. She cited the fact that the applicants made no such assertion, or claimed any concrete, imminent, and significant harm.) to fuel your outrage, which seems to be mostly based on the fact that Jackson took the applicants at their word.
Quite bizarre.
"Blackman appears to be outraged that Jackson took the applicants at their word."
Huh? They didn't say there weren't any such votes.
Effectively, they did exactly that.
It's been a real pleasure listening to oral arguments since Justice Jackson joined the court. Her endless talking is a wonderful compliment to Justice Sotomayor's rudeness and vitriol. As a matter of fact, I don't know how the court functioned without Puerto Rican and black women.
Your ironic racism, ironically, makes you seem racist.
KBJ is the Beyonce of the Supreme Court…all the others are Destiny’s children!
One really has to question the integrity of Justice Jackson in a case like this. Does anyone really believe if this were a similar case of a Republican legislature excluding a Democratic member that she would have voted the same way or written this opinion? Now that the Supreme Court has signaled the ultimate result in the case, should it return to the Court, I hope any opinion will be unanimous.
Hypothetical hypocricy finds it's target again!
The irony of saying "no hypotheticals" in defending Jackson's reliance upon a hypothetical is amusing.
How do you figure? I don’t see how an order that implies a finding that there is a likelihood of success on the merits would even bind the court of appeals to conclude that the plaintiff wins on the merits, much less the Supreme Court.
I'm not even sure what you're trying to say. Obviously, the injunction does not "bind" the court of appeals, but as you note, the granting of an injunction is an implicit finding that the plaintiff has a "substantial likelihood of success on the merits".
You're seem like a pretty smart guy. If you had to bet money, how would you guess THIS Supreme Court would rule in this case? I would put the odds at about 99% that the six GOP appointees will rule for the plaintiff, and better than even that Kagan would join them. Appellate judges, who generally don't like to be reversed, can also read tea leaves.
This case is very similar to Bond v. Floyd, 385 U.S. 116 (1966). Julian Bond, an African-American, had been elected to the Georgia state house in 1965. After his election, but before his swearing-in, he gave a radio interview in which he made very critical comments about U.S. policy, particularly about Vietnam and the Selective Service Act. The house refused to let him take his oath, ostensibly on the grounds that he would not be able to sincerely uphold his oath to uphold the U.S. Constitution. The state house (similarly to the instant case) even gave Bond a chance to recant, which he declined. Bond sued in a three-judge federal district court, which ruled against him 2-1. A unanimous Supreme Court, per Chief Justice Warren, reversed the district court. One of the Court's explicit holdings was that legislators did not have lesser First Amendment rights than ordinary citizens.
When I mentioned "if" this case gets back to the Supreme Court, what I had in mind was that the Maine Democrats might just cave, rather than go on with this absurd, likely losing fight. The issue of biological boys in girls' sports in Maine (and elsewhere) is taking up a lot of oxygen, and elected Democrats seem to be on the opposite side of the voting public. The governor, in a very public spat with Trump over the issue, may very well be facing a recall petition soon. I don't know that this issue is the hill Maine Democrats will choose to die on. But, as always, I guess we'll see.
Bond, like Powell, was about the refusal to seat a legislator — not the power to discipline a sitting legislator.
Hm, refusal to seat, on the one hand, refusal to permit any of the privileges of being seated, on the other.
The only relevant difference is that if the legislature refuses to seat somebody, or expels them, their district has the opportunity to replace them. But if they're "just" censured in this manner, the district remains unrepresented.
Seems this is actually WORSE than what happened with Bond.
Justice Jackson is wrong and hypocritical. Doesn’t make Blackman any less of a hypocrite and liar. He said the immigrants deported were almost certainly deportable. Most entered the country legally with no criminal records. But I have long ago accepted that Blackman is dishonest and has no scruples.
Where's the hypocritical bit?
Saying that votes on the losing side don't matter while writing a dissent to justify her vote on the losing side.
At some point all of these over 160 IQ law professors made the decision they were going to use their big brains to advance the agenda of the GOP because that’s how one achieves fame and power in politics by working within the 2 party system. So the Federalist Society is part of the GOP and they would recruit law school students by telling them membership would open doors in the GOP. Blackman is the only one of the VC that transitioned over to MAGA. The reality is most of the VC’s scholarship was intellectually bankrupt over the years…so Blackman isn’t any worse than the others it’s just the others probably don’t want jobs in the Trump administration.
I think Justice Jackson is wrong here. Denying citizens their elected representative is itself a harm.
Moreover, Justice Jackson completely discounts the value of participation in deliberations. How can she know whether, if Representative Libby had been allowed to speak, she might have been able to persuade her colleague to vote differently?
Justice Jackson needs to avoid an appearance of impropriety. She needs to avoid creating an impression she values the rights of those she disagrees with less than those she agrees with.
She needs to avoid creating an impression she values the rights of those she disagrees with less than those she agrees with.
Other than via Blackman's chain of speculations, where are you getting the impression?
Because if the standard is 'Blackman can't speculate his way into hating you' that's gonna disqualify every woman on the Court, and the Chief.
Although we are past the height of the overbreadth doctrine when plaintiffs could get an injunction if they could show that a law might possibly chill somebody else’s speech rights, nonetheless it remains settled law that the requirements to get an injunction in a speech case are more relaxed than in general. This is not entirely, but it is in large part a speech case. This is not the case to tighten these settled rules. And especially not on the shadow docket.
You know that Libby hasn't been sent to solitary in a supermax prison, right? She's free to pick up a phone and call her colleagues at any time, if she thinks she has persuasive arguments,
Are you saying that demonstrators thrown out of the public square for saying something the Mayor doesn’t want to hear have no injury, because they could perfectly well post their complaints on Facebook or telephone people if they wanted to influence them?
More to the point, do people denied a job as a professor at a university have no injury, because they could perfectly well disseminate their research and profess whatever they want to profess on their own?
Speaking officially, from the well of a legislature, is different in kind from talking privately over the phone. It is public, is subject to a record, and adds gravitas. And while opponents don’t have to take a call, they have to allow and at least pretend to listen to a speech.
In other words, she might have persuaded enough of the other legislators to change their votes that her vote would indeed matter.
More evidence Blackman isn’t very smart:
“Justice Kagan did not join this opinion for good reason.”
Why would Kagan join an opinion she voted against, genius?
You're misreading it. We don't know how Kagan voted, and the only opinion was the dissent by KBJ; it's that opinion that he's saying Kagan didn't join.
Blackman of course presents this in hyperbolic and dishonest terms, but I do think the majority is right. It would be a good bright-line rule that blocking a state representative's legislative vote and debate is an irreparable harm. The Constitution's demand of a republican form of government, while itself perhaps generally non-justiciable, should certainly inform decisions made in equity.
Jackson's need for a record showing specific harm at this stage is overly-formalist. A judge, well-versed in civics, should be able to notice the importance of not only casting the vote and being heard in debate, but the collateral effects. A member's unavailability may affect partisan horse-trading, committee negotiations, other members seeking legislative sponsorship, and so forth. I could see such a demand upon full briefing but for emergency relief there's a clear basis for irreparable harm.
Jackson and Soto of course knew they were on the wrong end of the vote. I doubt either of them would want a general rule that demands a high standard of proof for emergency relief in such a situation. I think several state legislatures would immediately start abusing it, and probably not to the advantage of Democrats.
I can appreciate the temptation to go full-bore partisan in these times - even if only to offset Alito and Thomas - but I can't get behind it.
Jackson didn't ask for a record showing harm; she asked for an allegation that harm was imminent, which is the sine qua non for emergency relief.
Isn't the harm self-evident?
The Constitution's demand of a republican form of government, while itself perhaps generally non-justiciable, should certainly inform decisions made in equity.
Depriving constituents of their elected voice in the Legislature is harm.
KJB created the new standard that an elected voice only counts if it's the deciding voice on a piece of substantial legislation.
All other duties of the Representative are irrelevant and depriving a voter of those isn't disenfranchising them.
Incorrect. Libby pled irreversible harm both in her statement of jurisdiction and section II (entitled, "It Is Undisputed Libby and Her Constituents Will Suffer Irreparable Harm Absent This Court’s Intervention"). Jackson demands specific assertions, which are a thing made on the record, not allegations, which are pled.
You cannot know what a vote will be ahead of the actual vote. Also, the suspension has no meaning outside this. Denial of democracy is just a frown face emoticon ???? ?
"Now go away, or I shall
tauntsuspend your speech and voting rights a second time!""It's ok to suspend voting because there are no upcoming votes where it will make a difference." So...what's the point of such a severe sanction?
It is hard to pick the most patently dumb Justice of my lifetime.But it could well be her.