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Supreme Court Issues Unusual Order in Alien Enemies Act Deportation Case
The order temporarily blocks AEA deportations. It likely also reflects the Court's growing frustration with the Trump Administration.

Last night, the Supreme Court issued a very unusual order in an Alien Enemies Act deportation case. Here it is in its entirety:
There is before the Court an application on behalf of a putative class of detainees seeking an injunction against their removal under the Alien Enemies Act. The matter is currently pending before the Fifth Circuit. Upon action by the Fifth Circuit, the Solicitor General is invited to file a response to the application before this Court as soon as possible. The Government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this Court. See 28 U. S. C. §1651(a). Justice Thomas and Justice Alito dissent from the Court's order. Statement from Justice Alito to follow.
As I write these words (Saturday morning), we do not yet have Justice Alito's statement, and therefore do not yet know why he and Thomas dissented.
What do we make of this? I largely agree with the analysis of Georgetown Prof. Steve Vladeck. After providing a helpful overview of the AEA litigation to date, he writes:
Obviously, there's still a lot we don't know. But at least initially, this strikes me as a massively important—and revealing—intervention by the Supreme Court, for at least three reasons:
First, the full Court didn't wait for the Fifth Circuit—or act through the individual Circuit Justice (Justice Alito).2 Even in other fast-moving emergency applications, the Court has often made a show out of at least appearing to wait for the lower courts to rule before intervening—even if that ruling might not have influenced the outcome. Here, though, the Court didn't wait at all; indeed, the order specifically invites the government to respond once the Fifth Circuit weighed in—acknowledging that the Fifth Circuit hadn't ruled (and, indeed, that the government hadn't responded to the application in the Supreme Court) yet. This may seem like a technical point, but it underscores how seriously the Court, or at least a majority of it, took the urgency of the matter….
Second, the Court didn't hide behind any procedural technicalities. One of the real themes of the Court's interventions in Trump-related emergency applications to date has been using procedural technicalities to justify siding with the federal government—including in J.G.G. itself (the first AEA ruling). One could've imagined similar procedural objections to such a speedy intervention, on a class-wide basis, in last night's ruling. (Indeed, I suspect some of those objections are forthcoming in Justice Alito's impending dissenting opinion.) Here, though, the Court jumped right to the substantive relief the applicants sought—again, reinforcing not just the urgency of the issue, but its gravity.
Third, and perhaps most significantly, the Court seemed to not be content with relying upon representations by the government's lawyers. In the hearing before Chief Judge Boasberg, Drew Ensign had specifically stated, on behalf of the government, that "no planes" would be leaving either Friday or Saturday. True, the government hasn't formally responded in the Supreme Court, but the justices (or at least their clerks) would have been well aware of the exchange—indeed, some of the clerks were likely listening to the hearing as it happened. In a world in which a majority of the justices were willing to take these kinds of representations at face value, there might've been no need to intervene overnight Friday evening; the justices could've taken at least all day Saturday to try to sort things out before handing down their decision.
But this case arose only because of the Trump administration's attempt to play Calvinball with detainees it's seeking to remove under the Alien Enemy Act. The Court appears to be finally getting the message—and, in turn, handing down rulings with none of the wiggle room we saw in the J.G.G. and Abrego Garcia decisions last week. That's a massively significant development unto itself—especially if it turns out to be more than a one-off.
Whether it turns out to be more than "one-off" remains to be seen. But, for the moment, I think Vladeck is right to highlight the Court's growing frustration with the Trump Administration.
I do differ with Vladeck on one point: It is not entirely true that "no court has yet to rule on whether the government even has the power to use the Alien Enem[ies] Act this way in the first place." The AEA can can only be used to detain and deport immigrants in the event of a declared war, or an "invasion" or "predatory incursion" perpetrated by a "foreign nation or government." In the DC Circuit ruling previously vacated by the Supreme Court on procedural grounds, Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson' opinion clearly indicates there is no war, invasion, or predatory incursion occurring, though without providing a completely definitive ruling. While technically, this was the opinion of only one judge on the three-person panel, Judge Millett appeared to agree, in her own concurring opinion, noting that the AEA is only supposed to be used during a "shooting war."
I agree with Henderson and Millett. In earlier writings, I have emphasized that the meaning of "invasion" in the AEA tracks the meaning of the same term in the Constitution. If courts were to accept the Trump argument that illegal migration and drug smuggling qualify as "invasion," that would have dire implications, such as enabling states to "engage in war" in response and the federal government to suspend the writ habeas corpus (including for US citizens) virtually anytime it wants, thereby enabling it to detain people without due process.
The Supreme Court's own previous decision also resolved an important substantive question, by unanimously rejecting the Trump Administration's position a presidential invocation of the AEA is immune from judicial review.
While we do not yet have a complete and definitive judicial ruling on the applicability of the AEA to Trump's efforts to detain Venezuelan migrants, the DC Circuit and earlier Supreme Court ruling indicate widespread (and well-justified) judicial skepticism of the Trump position.
Last night's Supreme Court decision suggests we may get a more definitive ruling on the merits sooner rather than later.
UPDATE: I have made minor additions and revisions to this post.
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The Court’s growing frustration with the Trump administration? If by that you mean the courts are showing gross disregard to a co-equal branch of government, I agree. I suspect the Executive branch is growing a tad frustrated with the courts. At its core, apparently, the courts really don’t like all this co-equal stuff. Kinda insurrectiony if I may say.
No where in the Constitution does it say the three branches are co-equal.
That's actually the fundamental framework of the Constitution. What country are you from again?
It isn't. Which is why nowhere in the constitution does it say that.
You and Molly apparently both got your degrees from the same mail order school that advertises on the back of matchbook covers.
My school had us study the Federalist Papers.
It sure looks like you skipped that day.
Federalist papers? I suggest you start out with something with pictures and work your way up. Maybe there's a manga version you might be able to handle?
Which is not the Constitution.
Ask for a refund.
And if the Executive exceeds its powers by denying constitutional rights, you would adopt the ludicrous position that no-one else can order them to stop because of co-equality. Evidently you don't want to understand how things are supposed to work.
Why don't you explain how you think it should work?
It is a constitutional function of the judiciary to say when the executive has exceeded its authority and power and what steps the executive should take as a consequence. This seems unremarkable and inherent in the Constitution, just as that co-equality does not mean that the executive pr the judiciary can command the legislature what laws to pass.
Of course, if the executive or the judiciary adhere to a more dictatorial approach, where the courts rule that whatever the executive does is inherently lawful, then it's different, but that's not how the US is supposed to work under the Constitution. Judges who so rule should be impeached, and presidents who so act, likewise.
What do you think should happen if the executive exceed its authority or power wrt a person affected? And explain why your answer, might differ depending on whether the president is Obama or Trump.
The three branches aren’t co-equal in terms of their specific functions. In terms of the Presidents powers of deportation and imprisonment, the President is often subservient to the judiciary and Congress. In those areas, the President can only enforce laws that are enacted by Congress, and then often the President can only act with the approval of a judge, and the Presidents planned actions can be overruled by judges. So in those specific areas, the judiciary has more power than the President. But obviously, the President has more power than the judiciary in other areas.
But that undermines the fictional Constitution that the cultists believe in...
There is no power of deportations.
There is no power of imprisonment.
Sit down, Nazi!
The phrase "separation of powers" appears nowhere in the Constitution. The text of the document envisions the Congress as the most powerful branch.
Under the Alien Enemies Act, the existence of "a declared war between the United States and any foreign nation or government, or any invasion or predatory incursion [which] is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the United States by any foreign nation or government," is a sine qua non of the Act's invocation. 50 U.S.C. § 21. Declaration of war is the exclusive province of Congress, per Article I, § 8 of the Constitution.
If President Trump wished to invoke the AEA, why did he not ask Congress to declare war on Venezuela?
"No where in the Constitution does it say the three branches are co-equal."
No where (sic.) in the Constitution does it say that SCOTUS (let alone Article III courts) have the power of judicial review.
John Marshall invented that -- and never forget that it was John Marshall himself who had failed to deliver the writ in question before midnight. (If that's not a conflict of interest, I don't know what is.)
That seems to ignore precedents for judicial review preceding 1803 and familiar to the Constitutional Convention.
I keep hearing how the executive power vested in the President allows him to do anything, and now I hear that the judicial power vested in the Supreme Court (and inferior courts established by law) allows nothing. Hypocrisy, or just a desire for a dictator in the White House?
just a desire for a dictator in the White House?
This, provided it's the (R)ight kind of dictator.
Is that from your dissertation? Judicial review predated Marbury.
Always a good bet that Dr Ed is ignorant of a topic about which he confidently posts,
Marbury v. Madison 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803), was the first exercise by the judiciary of claimed authority to declare an act of Congress unconstitutional. If Chief Justice Marshall had ordered delivery of the disputed commission to the Federalist William Marbury, Marshall's cousin President Jefferson would likely have ignored the ruling.
The rhetoric and flowery language about the unconstitutionality of Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 was Marshall's way of avoiding a political dilemma -- the Court ostensibly agreed with Marbury on the merits but was unwilling to issue an ineffectual order in his favor.
That having been said, judicial review has been the rule of law for centuries, regardless of the legerdemain of its origin.
Narrator: That was not, in fact, what Prof. Somin meant.
It's a particularly ludicrous charge in this case; SCOTUS had issued an order in JGG just a few days ago saying "today’s order and per curiam confirm that the detainees subject to removal orders under the AEA are entitled to notice and an opportunity to challenge their removal. "
And then Trump again tried to sneak them out of the country without giving them an opportunity to challenge their removal!
I would recommend no one rely on Crazy Dave's relation of the facts. He wouldn't know a fact if it swam up on shore and bit him in the ass.
Riva, do you dispute that David has correctly quoted page 3 of the per curiam SCOTUS order in J.G.G.?
Can we really be sure the Court's frustration here is just with the administration? And not also perhaps with the plaintiffs behavior in the lower courts?
What's your basis for reading frustration with the plaintiffs behavior into the S.Ct.'s ruling. I'm sure not seeing it.
The AEA window just got conclusively closed and locked for the entire nationwide putative habeas class, until further order of the court. No more room for sudden midnight flights before a court can write an emergency order, no more "oopsies". Genuinely curious how you're spinning that to mean frustration with the plaintiffs.
Yes
Yes.
Do tell.
So I already asked what the basis for your fairly ludicrous question is.
You're the one making the laughable proposition ... so maybe grace us with even a rudimentary explanation.
I don't see a direct link to Prof Vladek's post on his substack, so here it is:
https://www.stevevladeck.com/p/144-the-supreme-courts-late-night
(apologies if I missed it somewhere, Prof Somin)
By the way, the ACLU had brought a motion seeking this relief before Boasberg. He scheduled a hearing for yesterday late afternoon. And online MAGA had a complete meltdown, screaming "What is this judge doing? He's defying SCOTUS! They told him he didn't have jurisdiction to do that!!!!! This lawlessness has to stop!!!" And he held the hearing, listened to the arguments, and then said… "Guys, I'm sympathetic, but based on SCOTUS's order I don't have jurisdiction so I'm denying your application." Which is exactly what he was supposed to do.
Meanwhile, Drew Ensign may be the first Trump lawyer disbarred this time, beating Habba or Martin; he once again tried to trick the court about the government's plans.
Due process: apply for a visa, come here legally.
Not due process: trespass, sneak in illegally, and dare the admin to deport you. Possibly getting taxpayer benefits.
The admin does not need a reason to deport illegal aliens. Period. They are here illegally.
If a burglar trespasses into your home to steal your property, you don’t negotiate, you kick them out. They can ask for permission from outside.
The Alien Enemies Act makes good political theater but its irrelevant. If you are here illegally. They. Dont. Need. A. Reason.
I have several h1b visa holders work for me. They have PhDs they came here legally. They go through the process, which is very arduous.
I’d be fine if we want to make it easier, but what we cannot have is an out of control immigration system, which is what the progressive left and judicial activists want. Came here illegally? Go home. Apply for a visa on the other side of the border the legal way. Don’t abuse the system.
What would you say if one of the H1B visa holders was snatched on the street and deported based on the say-so of an immigration officer that they are here illegally?
If you knew the H1B process, you wouldn't ask that. The immigration attorneys advise them to carry their paperwork.
That is not my question. What would you say if they were arrested and deported even though they had their paperwork with them.
Has that actually happened?
So if someone doesn't, it's their fault if they get deported, even though a hearing would have resolved the issue?
You seem pretty certain that the government never makes mistakes, even though they've admitted as much
The burden of proof rests with the alien. its written into the statute.
Which implies that the alien must have the opportunity to present proof.
To the immigration officer.
You really don't even understand the basics of due process.
Illegal aliens are not entitled to the same due process as residents, and it says so in the statute (it literally says aliens here illegally are not entitled to a court hearing).
But aliens can still get a writ of habeas corpus to challenge the finding, right?
Everyone is entitled to due process. What that looks like can vary greatly, but it involves a legal process with decisions made by neutral magistrates. That is what separates fascists from the rest of us. Fascists believe that "rights" are privileges for select groups of people, while there rest of us know that a right denied to anyone is a right denied to all.
Illegal aliens may or may not be entitled to the same due process as residents. SCOTUS has expressly rejected the proposition that illegal aliens present in this country are not entitled to due process at all because of their illegal status:
Appellants argue at the outset that undocumented aliens, because of their immigration status, are not "persons within the jurisdiction" of the State of Texas, and that they therefore have no right to the equal protection of Texas law. We reject this argument. Whatever his status under the immigration laws, an alien is surely a "person" in any ordinary sense of that term. Aliens, even aliens whose presence in this country is unlawful, have long been recognized as "persons" guaranteed due process of law by the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments.
Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 210 (1982).
In determining what procedural protections a particular situation demands, three factors must be considered: (1) the private interest at stake; (2) the risk of erroneous deprivation of the interest through the procedures used and the probable value, if any, of additional or substitute procedural safeguards; and finally, (3) the government's interest, including the function involved and the fiscal and administrative burdens that the additional or substitute procedural requirement would entail. Mathews v. Eldridge, 424 U.S. 319, 335 (1976). The governmental interest sometimes may differ as to citizens vis-a-vis aliens and as to aliens who are lawfully present vis-a-vis those who are not, but:
Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U. S. ____ (2025) (per curiam), slip op. p. 3. https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a931_2c83.pdf
If you are here illegally. They. Dont. Need. A. Reason.
1. This doesn't mean they can use a disfavored reason. Just like you can don't need a reason to fire an at-will employee, but you can't do it for their race or in retaliation etc.
2. Not needing a reason doesn't mean you can get away with no process or notice. Procedure != rationale.
3. AND to protect from mistakes, you do need a review to make sure they *did* come in illegally.
untrue. aliens are only entitled to hearings in certain circumstances.
Certain circumstances sure is vague as fuck. But even that concession is enough to count as an admission your OP is full of shit.
Impressive failure since you seem more into vibes than actual law, which usually makes things much easier.
You also see, to have slipped from illegal to just alien. Sloppy, though not surprising.
Go read the statute! There os a whole statute on expedited removal of aliens.
You have already contradicted yourself twice.
If you mean go read the ANA that itself is kind of betraying some bad faith, if you know anything about the state of immigration law.
The Alien Enemies Act makes good political theater but its irrelevant. Read the whole immigration statute.
Yes, the INA.
I've read parts of the INA that I deal with for work. J-1, the O series, IGA waivers, and NIW. And of course all the USCIS guidance about them.
Enough to know you're full of shit to just say 'read it.'
I'd wager you've not read any of it much less 'the whole immigration statute.'
"Go read the statute! There os [sic] a whole statute on expedited removal of aliens."
dwb68, have you read the April 7, 2025 SCOTUS per curiam opinion applying the AEA? That order recites:
Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U. S. ____ (2025) (per curiam), slip op. p. 3. https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/24pdf/24a931_2c83.pdf
Weekend reading. Immigration law is voluminous. It's like tax law for people.
https://www.uscis.gov/working-in-the-united-states/temporary-workers/h-1b-specialty-occupations/faqs-for-individuals-in-h-1b-nonimmigrant-status
Countries and houses are obviously not equivalent. Under the constitution, detainees have the absolute right to challenge decisions made to detain or deport them by the executive branch. The problem is that the government isn’t some all knowing deity that can look at someone and know with certainty that they are here illegally. The government will have some type of evidence that supports that conclusion, but as we saw recently with that man in Florida, sometimes they are wrong. So detainees have the right to challenge the evidence and any decisions made about what to do with them and where they should go.
If you are here illegally. They. Dont. Need. A. Reason.
All other things aside, they damn well need a reason if they are going to put you in a prison.
I doubt anyone would be losing their shit if they just dropped him off in San Salvador and he went home and gave his Mom a hug. They put him in a notorious prison for some of the most dangerous gangs in the world - without a criminal conviction.
Can we get past whether it's ok to deport people without due process are start talking about whether it's ok to imprison people without due process?
And indeed the whole reason that they can't get back to the status quo ante and give him a hearing is *because* he's in prison. They're using the fact that he's in prison unlawfully as a reason to not give him due process. It's a Catch-22. We put you in prison in a foreign country without trying you for a crime - ooops, I guess we can't try you for a crime now, it's out of our hands!
Prof Somin wrote:
Both correct and a fine literary reference.
Not really. Calvinball is a game where the rules were constantly changing. What the administration is doing is a version of keep-away and hide-and-seek.
When SCOTUS changes it's legal reasoning based on how they want cases to come out, that is Calvinball.
Not really. It's kite and fight. The populist rhetoric is what's important here, not the law. The courts are fighting a marketing battle against Trump, and they are going to lose badly.
If Trump wants to make the population think the judiciary is out of line, he's going to bring them into these battles and use his rhetoric to lambaste them. Sure, the judiciary may be correct on the legal issues, but they will not fare well in the court of public opinion.
I do not support what Trump is doing at all. But I am being objective about how he is stringing the court along into difficult territory as a trap, making it a lose-lose situation for them. It is exactly the same thing he's doing with academia. It's not about winning the fight, it's about ensuring the populist rhetoric sours people against those institutions.
That is the fascist playbook.
шинка — Harvard may be less concerned about populist rhetoric than you seem to be. Long habit maybe, practiced with widely-noted success.
Trump thinks he is playing Slaviash, a game much easier to describe than Calvinball. Slaviash has only one rule: "We tell you when you win."
Well, if you're going to be scrutinizing tea leaves and the viewing angles from the top of Lenin's tomb, I might note the following:
Despite the urgency of the case, unlike Roberts' earlier order, this is in the san-serif boilerplate template characteristically used for order lists.
Based on the Supreme Court's search function, searching the the database of its orders, the sentence citing the legislative empowerment of the general writ powers of the Court is a singleton return. Google Scholar returns a dozen uses in opinions.
I think the dissenting justice being the circuit justice had much to do with the softness of the kid gloves here. This is a very low-key invocation of a very strong power. The ship has pulled alongside, without the slightest indication of confrontation, and, with great civility, made a polite and important request.
Or perhaps not. Ultimately tea leaves are only useful when making tea. A good holiday to those who observe.
Mr. D.
Addendum: For reproducibility, note that apparently my javascript blocker (NoScript 12.1.1) allowed me to search the sentence in the order in quotation marks in the database of orders. Trying the search without the javascript blocked results in zero returns; with javascript and ad blocker, there is the single return of the present order. So there might be some oddness there.
Mr. D.
The SCOTUS order is 109 words. Ilya's
wet dreamorder is 1045 words.Maybe it's time to call your NA sponsor?
Just for Today: I want a better life. I will make an inventory of what I want, find out how to get it, talk with my sponsor about it, and do the necessary footwork.
https://na.org/
It's hard to get good information because everything is so partisan, but help me understand.
Is it true that these individuals were plucked off of the street because of suspicion that they were TdA, a determination was made by a bureaucrat from Homeland Security that they were TdA, and then the administration is whisking them off to El Salvador with no hearing or process for an individual to challenge that determination?
True or false?
We don't know precisely how they were selected (because, again, no hearings), but yes, the rest is in fact true. (Or, at least, the administration is trying to whisk them off without hearings or process. Even though SCOTUS already explicitly said it couldn't do that.)
No opportunity at all to say, "Hey, I'm Bill and was born in Wichita!" in front of ANYONE? None of that, just off to El Salvador? I appreciate the reply and I will wait for others.
Yes, this is why people are so bent out of shape.
But would you concede that this distinguishes these individuals from Garcia who did have such an opportunity?
I get that you feel that Garcia's process was insufficient and we can continue that in the other thread, but for whatever process Garcia got, it's worse for these guys because again, they got zilcho?
Garcia did not get a due process opportunity.
Whatever process? Could you point to what review you are speaking of?
Trying to stay factual. Was he not afforded a hearing and an appeal where it was determined that he was an illegal alien and removable? If he was Bill from Wichita, he had a forum where he could have addressed that. That's process. Again, we can argue in the other thread about whether it is enough, but it is process.
I am understanding from what you are saying is that these guys got nothing.
At the end of his hearing, the hearing officer found that he'd be persecuted by gangs if he was returned to El Salvador and therefore it would be illegal to send him there. This decision remains unrevised.
If the executive wanted to revise it, they could have done so (Judge Wilkinson helpfully pointed to the specific regulation). Assuming, of course, that there was evidence that now Garcia *could* legally be sent to El Salvador, which commenters keep assuring us is the case.
And I'm inclined to think the situation has changed enough since 2019 to justify a hearing officer, based on new evidence, to find that El Salvador is now a suitable destination. But that didn't happen.
What is the point of due process if the decisions of the factfinder can be ignored by the executive?
I understand and agree. I think the administration concedes that. But he did have a process whereby this was determined whereas these Venezuelans did not even have that?
He had a process by which the hearing officer decided he couldn't legally be sent to El Salvador. But what is the use of such a process if it's ignored?
Now the administration is invoking the Bad Person Exception to the Constitution.
No, there is no distincton. Garcia did not get an opportunity to challenge his deportation after he was wisked off the street in front of his 5 year old son.
I'd also like to point out that they refused to tell his family where he was until a judge ordered it. And Garcia himself was not allowed contact with anyone, least of all a lawyer, until Van Hollens visit Thursday.
Could I humbly ask that we do the Garcia thing in the other thread? I get that posters disagree with the process or lack thereof that he was given. Let's call this the "Garcia process-nonprocess."
Is what those deported here received different from the "Garcia process-nonprocess"?
What's different here is that the detainees THIS time were given a notice written in English that they were going to be deported. This was considered by the administration sufficient to satisfy the earlier court ruling that the detainees be notified of their deportation and be given an opportunity to ask for a hearing. Note that the notice didn't tell them they were entitled to a hearing. They're supposed to learn English and figure that out for themselves.
YOU brought it up 3 hours ago.
It is incorrect to think the issue with Garcia is whether there was *sufficient* process. The threshold discussion is whether there was any process.
I agree that Garcia is not in the same position as the alleged TdA members, for numerous reasons. Unlike the TdA people, Garcia did have a hearing on his deportability, back in 2019, and was found to be removable. There is no dispute that he came here illegally. But then he was granted removal of withholding,
These people have gotten nothing. Trump just asserted they were TdA.
Being "removable" does not equate to it being legal to send you to a prison in a foreign country. Being sent to prison should, I would think, require a criminal conviction, regardless of whether the prison is in the US or in some other country.
That's really a key thing so many people are overlooking. They are acting like due process in a deportation hearing is sufficient to justify imprisonment. They aren't just being deported - which would imply dropping them off in their home country or in a third country willing to take them, and leaving them at liberty. They're being shipped to a foreign prison.
Do all of these people have criminal convictions? This should be a yes or no question and if the answer is no then what the administration is doing is unlawful.
I'm flabbergasted if anyone thinks it's totally ok to lock people up without a criminal conviction in a foreign country just because they are illegal aliens and the prison isn't on US soil.
Incidentally, it's now 12 hours later, and no statement from Alito has been released.
Because they always wanted to dissent but hadn't been able to come up with a genuine rationale earlier.
I seem to recall Edith Jones once dissenting on a case saying "statement to follow" and she never did produce a statement. She just didn't want to find for the criminal appellant.
He needs to wait till the Heritage Foundation can write it for him
He may have something going on this weekend. Just a thought.
I like taking naps on Saturday afternoons too. Can't fault the guy for doing that.
If a majority of the Court allows the escalating leftist lawfare against Trump's attempts to deport designated state-sponsored illegal-alien terrorists to grow into a full-blown constitutional crisis, I think it will have completely de-legitimized itself as a protector of the republic in the minds of a majority of Americans. After it has tried and failed to mollycoddle dangerous illegal foreign terrorists, gangsters, and drug traffickers to the physical peril of United States citizens. It will be the political equivalent of joining Senator Hollen and that illegal alien and designated terrorist Kilmar Abrego Garcia for margaritas on that patio in El Salvador.
The Courts are simply requiring the executive branch to abide by the law and the Constitution.
Yeah, but commienot doesn't believe in all that. He believes in the fuhrerprinzip.
I feel reassured by one speculation. I will explain.
It might seem rational to suppose that if the courts tie Trump's deportation capacity to due process, that Trump might respond by attempting to disappear people in complete secrecy, totally underneath the radar of everyone.
I doubt Trump would do that, because there would be less political gain in doing it that way. Terrorizing folks—and making a spectacle out of doing it—seems to be the point.