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Supreme Court Issues Unusual Order in Alien Enemies Act Deportation Case
The order temporarily blocks AEA deportations. It likely also reflects the Court's growing frustration with the Trump Administration.

Last night, the Supreme Court issued a very unusual order in an Alien Enemies Act deportation case. Here it is in its entirety:
There is before the Court an application on behalf of a putative class of detainees seeking an injunction against their removal under the Alien Enemies Act. The matter is currently pending before the Fifth Circuit. Upon action by the Fifth Circuit, the Solicitor General is invited to file a response to the application before this Court as soon as possible. The Government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this Court. See 28 U. S. C. §1651(a). Justice Thomas and Justice Alito dissent from the Court's order. Statement from Justice Alito to follow.
As I write these words (Saturday morning), we do not yet have Justice Alito's statement, and therefore do not yet know why he and Thomas dissented.
What do we make of this? I largely agree with the analysis of Georgetown Prof. Steve Vladeck. After providing a helpful overview of the AEA litigation to date, he writes:
Obviously, there's still a lot we don't know. But at least initially, this strikes me as a massively important—and revealing—intervention by the Supreme Court, for at least three reasons:
First, the full Court didn't wait for the Fifth Circuit—or act through the individual Circuit Justice (Justice Alito).2 Even in other fast-moving emergency applications, the Court has often made a show out of at least appearing to wait for the lower courts to rule before intervening—even if that ruling might not have influenced the outcome. Here, though, the Court didn't wait at all; indeed, the order specifically invites the government to respond once the Fifth Circuit weighed in—acknowledging that the Fifth Circuit hadn't ruled (and, indeed, that the government hadn't responded to the application in the Supreme Court) yet. This may seem like a technical point, but it underscores how seriously the Court, or at least a majority of it, took the urgency of the matter….
Second, the Court didn't hide behind any procedural technicalities. One of the real themes of the Court's interventions in Trump-related emergency applications to date has been using procedural technicalities to justify siding with the federal government—including in J.G.G. itself (the first AEA ruling). One could've imagined similar procedural objections to such a speedy intervention, on a class-wide basis, in last night's ruling. (Indeed, I suspect some of those objections are forthcoming in Justice Alito's impending dissenting opinion.) Here, though, the Court jumped right to the substantive relief the applicants sought—again, reinforcing not just the urgency of the issue, but its gravity.
Third, and perhaps most significantly, the Court seemed to not be content with relying upon representations by the government's lawyers. In the hearing before Chief Judge Boasberg, Drew Ensign had specifically stated, on behalf of the government, that "no planes" would be leaving either Friday or Saturday. True, the government hasn't formally responded in the Supreme Court, but the justices (or at least their clerks) would have been well aware of the exchange—indeed, some of the clerks were likely listening to the hearing as it happened. In a world in which a majority of the justices were willing to take these kinds of representations at face value, there might've been no need to intervene overnight Friday evening; the justices could've taken at least all day Saturday to try to sort things out before handing down their decision.
But this case arose only because of the Trump administration's attempt to play Calvinball with detainees it's seeking to remove under the Alien Enemy Act. The Court appears to be finally getting the message—and, in turn, handing down rulings with none of the wiggle room we saw in the J.G.G. and Abrego Garcia decisions last week. That's a massively significant development unto itself—especially if it turns out to be more than a one-off.
Whether it turns out to be more than "one-off" remains to be seen. But, for the moment, I think Vladeck is right to highlight the Court's growing frustration with the Trump Administration.
I do differ with Vladeck on one point: It is not entirely true that "no court has yet to rule on whether the government even has the power to use the Alien Enem[ies] Act this way in the first place." The AEA can can only be used to detain and deport immigrants in the event of a declared war, or an "invasion" or "predatory incursion" perpetrated by a "foreign nation or government." In the DC Circuit ruling previously vacated by the Supreme Court on procedural grounds, Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson' opinion clearly indicates there is no war, invasion, or predatory incursion occurring, though without providing a completely definitive ruling. While technically, this was the opinion of only one judge on the three-person panel, Judge Millett appeared to agree, in her own concurring opinion, noting that the AEA is only supposed to be used during a "shooting war."
I agree with Henderson and Millett. In earlier writings, I have emphasized that the meaning of "invasion" in the AEA tracks the meaning of the same term in the Constitution. If courts were to accept the Trump argument that illegal migration and drug smuggling qualify as "invasion," that would have dire implications, such as enabling states to "engage in war" in response and the federal government to suspend the writ habeas corpus (including for US citizens) virtually anytime it wants, thereby enabling it to detain people without due process.
The Supreme Court's own previous decision also resolved an important substantive question, by unanimously rejecting the Trump Administration's position a presidential invocation of the AEA is immune from judicial review.
While we do not yet have a complete and definitive judicial ruling on the applicability of the AEA to Trump's efforts to detain Venezuelan migrants, the DC Circuit and earlier Supreme Court ruling indicate widespread (and well-justified) judicial skepticism of the Trump position.
Last night's Supreme Court decision suggests we may get a more definitive ruling on the merits sooner rather than later.
UPDATE: I have made minor additions and revisions to this post.
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The Court’s growing frustration with the Trump administration? If by that you mean the courts are showing gross disregard to a co-equal branch of government, I agree. I suspect the Executive branch is growing a tad frustrated with the courts. At its core, apparently, the courts really don’t like all this co-equal stuff. Kinda insurrectiony if I may say.
No where in the Constitution does it say the three branches are co-equal.
That's actually the fundamental framework of the Constitution. What country are you from again?
It isn't. Which is why nowhere in the constitution does it say that.
You and Molly apparently both got your degrees from the same mail order school that advertises on the back of matchbook covers.
My school had us study the Federalist Papers.
It sure looks like you skipped that day.
And if the Executive exceeds its powers by denying constitutional rights, you would adopt the ludicrous position that no-one else can order them to stop because of co-equality. Evidently you don't want to understand how things are supposed to work.
The three branches aren’t co-equal in terms of their specific functions. In terms of the Presidents powers of deportation and imprisonment, the President is often subservient to the judiciary and Congress. In those areas, the President can only enforce laws that are enacted by Congress, and then often the President can only act with the approval of a judge, and the Presidents planned actions can be overruled by judges. So in those specific areas, the judiciary has more power than the President. But obviously, the President has more power than the judiciary in other areas.
"No where in the Constitution does it say the three branches are co-equal."
No where (sic.) in the Constitution does it say that SCOTUS (let alone Article III courts) have the power of judicial review.
John Marshall invented that -- and never forget that it was John Marshall himself who had failed to deliver the writ in question before midnight. (If that's not a conflict of interest, I don't know what is.)
That seems to ignore precedents for judicial review preceding 1803 and familiar to the Constitutional Convention.
I keep hearing how the executive power vested in the President allows him to do anything, and now I hear that the judicial power vested in the Supreme Court (and inferior courts established by law) allows nothing. Hypocrisy, or just a desire for a dictator in the White House?
Is that from your dissertation? Judicial review predated Marbury.
Narrator: That was not, in fact, what Prof. Somin meant.
It's a particularly ludicrous charge in this case; SCOTUS had issued an order in JGG just a few days ago saying "today’s order and per curiam confirm that the detainees subject to removal orders under the AEA are entitled to notice and an opportunity to challenge their removal. "
And then Trump again tried to sneak them out of the country without giving them an opportunity to challenge their removal!
I would recommend no one rely on Crazy Dave's relation of the facts. He wouldn't know a fact if it swam up on shore and bit him in the ass.
Can we really be sure the Court's frustration here is just with the administration? And not also perhaps with the plaintiffs behavior in the lower courts?
What's your basis for reading frustration with the plaintiffs behavior into the S.Ct.'s ruling. I'm sure not seeing it.
The AEA window just got conclusively closed and locked for the entire nationwide putative habeas class, until further order of the court. No more room for sudden midnight flights before a court can write an emergency order, no more "oopsies". Genuinely curious how you're spinning that to mean frustration with the plaintiffs.
Yes
Yes.
Do tell.
So I already asked what the basis for your fairly ludicrous question is.
You're the one making the laughable proposition ... so maybe grace us with even a rudimentary explanation.
I don't see a direct link to Prof Vladek's post on his substack, so here it is:
https://www.stevevladeck.com/p/144-the-supreme-courts-late-night
(apologies if I missed it somewhere, Prof Somin)
By the way, the ACLU had brought a motion seeking this relief before Boasberg. He scheduled a hearing for yesterday late afternoon. And online MAGA had a complete meltdown, screaming "What is this judge doing? He's defying SCOTUS! They told him he didn't have jurisdiction to do that!!!!! This lawlessness has to stop!!!" And he held the hearing, listened to the arguments, and then said… "Guys, I'm sympathetic, but based on SCOTUS's order I don't have jurisdiction so I'm denying your application." Which is exactly what he was supposed to do.
Meanwhile, Drew Ensign may be the first Trump lawyer disbarred this time, beating Habba or Martin; he once again tried to trick the court about the government's plans.
Due process: apply for a visa, come here legally.
Not due process: trespass, sneak in illegally, and dare the admin to deport you. Possibly getting taxpayer benefits.
The admin does not need a reason to deport illegal aliens. Period. They are here illegally.
If a burglar trespasses into your home to steal your property, you don’t negotiate, you kick them out. They can ask for permission from outside.
The Alien Enemies Act makes good political theater but its irrelevant. If you are here illegally. They. Dont. Need. A. Reason.
I have several h1b visa holders work for me. They have PhDs they came here legally. They go through the process, which is very arduous.
I’d be fine if we want to make it easier, but what we cannot have is an out of control immigration system, which is what the progressive left and judicial activists want. Came here illegally? Go home. Apply for a visa on the other side of the border the legal way. Don’t abuse the system.
What would you say if one of the H1B visa holders was snatched on the street and deported based on the say-so of an immigration officer that they are here illegally?
If you knew the H1B process, you wouldn't ask that. The immigration attorneys advise them to carry their paperwork.
That is not my question. What would you say if they were arrested and deported even though they had their paperwork with them.
So if someone doesn't, it's their fault if they get deported, even though a hearing would have resolved the issue?
You seem pretty certain that the government never makes mistakes, even though they've admitted as much
The burden of proof rests with the alien. its written into the statute.
Which implies that the alien must have the opportunity to present proof.
If you are here illegally. They. Dont. Need. A. Reason.
1. This doesn't mean they can use a disfavored reason. Just like you can don't need a reason to fire an at-will employee, but you can't do it for their race or in retaliation etc.
2. Not needing a reason doesn't mean you can get away with no process or notice. Procedure != rationale.
3. AND to protect from mistakes, you do need a review to make sure they *did* come in illegally.
untrue. aliens are only entitled to hearings in certain circumstances.
Certain circumstances sure is vague as fuck. But even that concession is enough to count as an admission your OP is full of shit.
Impressive failure since you seem more into vibes than actual law, which usually makes things much easier.
You also see, to have slipped from illegal to just alien. Sloppy, though not surprising.
Go read the statute! There os a whole statute on expedited removal of aliens.
You have already contradicted yourself twice.
If you mean go read the ANA that itself is kind of betraying some bad faith, if you know anything about the state of immigration law.
Prof Somin wrote:
Both correct and a fine literary reference.
Not really. Calvinball is a game where the rules were constantly changing. What the administration is doing is a version of keep-away and hide-and-seek.
When SCOTUS changes it's legal reasoning based on how they want cases to come out, that is Calvinball.
Well, if you're going to be scrutinizing tea leaves and the viewing angles from the top of Lenin's tomb, I might note the following:
Despite the urgency of the case, unlike Roberts' earlier order, this is in the san-serif boilerplate template characteristically used for order lists.
Based on the Supreme Court's search function, searching the the database of its orders, the sentence citing the legislative empowerment of the general writ powers of the Court is a singleton return. Google Scholar returns a dozen uses in opinions.
I think the dissenting justice being the circuit justice had much to do with the softness of the kid gloves here. This is a very low-key invocation of a very strong power. The ship has pulled alongside, without the slightest indication of confrontation, and, with great civility, made a polite and important request.
Or perhaps not. Ultimately tea leaves are only useful when making tea. A good holiday to those who observe.
Mr. D.
Addendum: For reproducibility, note that apparently my javascript blocker (NoScript 12.1.1) allowed me to search the sentence in the order in quotation marks in the database of orders. Trying the search without the javascript blocked results in zero returns; with javascript and ad blocker, there is the single return of the present order. So there might be some oddness there.
Mr. D.
The SCOTUS order is 109 words. Ilya's
wet dreamorder is 1045 words.Maybe it's time to call your NA sponsor?
Just for Today: I want a better life. I will make an inventory of what I want, find out how to get it, talk with my sponsor about it, and do the necessary footwork.
https://na.org/
It's hard to get good information because everything is so partisan, but help me understand.
Is it true that these individuals were plucked off of the street because of suspicion that they were TdA, a determination was made by a bureaucrat from Homeland Security that they were TdA, and then the administration is whisking them off to El Salvador with no hearing or process for an individual to challenge that determination?
True or false?
We don't know precisely how they were selected (because, again, no hearings), but yes, the rest is in fact true. (Or, at least, the administration is trying to whisk them off without hearings or process. Even though SCOTUS already explicitly said it couldn't do that.)
No opportunity at all to say, "Hey, I'm Bill and was born in Wichita!" in front of ANYONE? None of that, just off to El Salvador? I appreciate the reply and I will wait for others.
Yes, this is why people are so bent out of shape.
But would you concede that this distinguishes these individuals from Garcia who did have such an opportunity?
I get that you feel that Garcia's process was insufficient and we can continue that in the other thread, but for whatever process Garcia got, it's worse for these guys because again, they got zilcho?
Garcia did not get a due process opportunity.
Whatever process? Could you point to what review you are speaking of?
Trying to stay factual. Was he not afforded a hearing and an appeal where it was determined that he was an illegal alien and removable? If he was Bill from Wichita, he had a forum where he could have addressed that. That's process. Again, we can argue in the other thread about whether it is enough, but it is process.
I am understanding from what you are saying is that these guys got nothing.
At the end of his hearing, the hearing officer found that he'd be persecuted by gangs if he was returned to El Salvador and therefore it would be illegal to send him there. This decision remains unrevised.
If the executive wanted to revise it, they could have done so (Judge Wilkinson helpfully pointed to the specific regulation). Assuming, of course, that there was evidence that now Garcia *could* legally be sent to El Salvador, which commenters keep assuring us is the case.
And I'm inclined to think the situation has changed enough since 2019 to justify a hearing officer, based on new evidence, to find that El Salvador is now a suitable destination. But that didn't happen.
What is the point of due process if the decisions of the factfinder can be ignored by the executive?
I understand and agree. I think the administration concedes that. But he did have a process whereby this was determined whereas these Venezuelans did not even have that?
No, there is no distincton. Garcia did not get an opportunity to challenge his deportation after he was wisked off the street in front of his 5 year old son.
I'd also like to point out that they refused to tell his family where he was until a judge ordered it. And Garcia himself was not allowed contact with anyone, least of all a lawyer, until Van Hollens visit Thursday.
Could I humbly ask that we do the Garcia thing in the other thread? I get that posters disagree with the process or lack thereof that he was given. Let's call this the "Garcia process-nonprocess."
Is what those deported here received different from the "Garcia process-nonprocess"?
Incidentally, it's now 12 hours later, and no statement from Alito has been released.
Because they always wanted to dissent but hadn't been able to come up with a genuine rationale earlier.
I seem to recall Edith Jones once dissenting on a case saying "statement to follow" and she never did produce a statement. She just didn't want to find for the criminal appellant.
He needs to wait till the Heritage Foundation can write it for him
He may have something going on this weekend. Just a thought.