The Volokh Conspiracy
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Warrantless Home Searches Under the Alien Enemies Act?
Trying to figure out a reported new legal argument.
In the New York Times, Devlin Barrett reports that "Trump administration lawyers have determined that an 18th-century wartime law the president has invoked to deport suspected members of a Venezuelan gang allows federal agents to enter homes without a warrant, according to people familiar with internal discussions."
From the story:
The disclosure reflects the Trump administration's aggressive view of presidential power, including setting aside a key provision of the Fourth Amendment that requires a court order to search someone's home. * * * *
Last week, Mr. Trump quietly signed a proclamation invoking the law, known as the Alien Enemies Act of 1798. It grants him the authority to remove from the United States foreign citizens he has designated as "alien enemies" in the cases of war or an invasion.
His order took aim at Venezuelan citizens 14 or older who belong to the Tren de Aragua gang, and who are not naturalized or lawful permanent residents. "All such alien enemies, wherever found within any territory subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, are subject to summary apprehension," the proclamation said.
Senior lawyers at the Justice Department view that language, combined with the historical use of the law, to mean that the government does not need a warrant to enter a home or premises to search for people believed to be members of that gang, according to two officials familiar with the new policy. * * *
The curious part of the story is that it's hard to tell what the government's legal theory is. What specifically do they think suspends the usual Fourth Amendment warrant requirement?
The closest I can figure combines the references to "historical uses of the law" and a passage near the end of the story that references this 2024 report on the Alien Enemies Act. A sentence in that report says that, during World War II, being an alien enemy as designated by the Act was used "as sufficient cause for warrantless house raids in search of contraband." The footnote cited as support states:
Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, Personal Justice Denied (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997), 62; and John DeWitt, Commanding General, to James Rowe, Assistant Attorney General, Re: Alien Enemy Control Requirements, January 5, 1942, 6, https://digitalassets.lib.berkeley.edu/jarda/ucb/ text/cubanc_35_1_00257389ta.pdf.
Maybe the idea is that the Alien Enemies Act allowed warrantless searches in World War II, and therefore does so today? Let's take a look at the two sources. The 1997 book is not available electronically, so I'm not sure (at least yet) what it says. The 1942 document is here, but it seems to say something pretty different from what the report says it says. Although the 2024 report appears to claim that it authorized warrantless searches, the relevant passage seems to be a discussion of how to draft particularized search warrants to search homes:
Putting aside that an executive branch practice authorized in the early days of World War II does not exactly establish a constitutional precedent today, this a discussion of how to write particular warrants rather than an authorization of warrantless searches.
Now wait, you're thinking: This passage seems to say that the U.S. Attorney can authorize warrants. So that would mean that the Executive can get warrants from the Executive, which isn't much of a warrant requirement at all. Maybe that's the warrantless search that the Trump Administration has in mind?
That's possible. With that said, that practice would seem to run afoul of Coolidge v. New Hampshire, 403 U.S. 443 (1971), handed down long after World War II. It turns out that, in New Hampshire, back in the 1960s, anyone could be a Justice of the Peace empowered to issue warrants. Police officers could be Justices of the Peace, as could prosecutors. Coolidge involved a murder investigation in which investigators obtained a search warrant from the state Attorney General in his capacity as Justice of the Peace. Coolidge held that the warrant was invalid:
Without disrespect to the state law enforcement agent here involved, the whole point of the basic rule so well expressed by Mr. Justice Jackson [that warrants had to be issued by judicial officers, not law enforcement-- ed.] is that prosecutors and policemen simply cannot be asked to maintain the requisite neutrality with regard to their own investigations-the 'competitive enterprise' that must rightly engage their single-minded attention. * * * *
We find no escape from the conclusion that the seizure and search of the [item searched here] cannot constitutionally rest upon the warrant issued by the state official who was the chief investigator and prosecutor in this case. Since he was not the neutral and detached magistrate required by the Constitution, the search stands on no firmer ground than if there had been no warrant at all.
I can imagine a few other possible theories that the story might be referencing, but I'll wait to hear more reporting (if any is forthcoming) before getting into them. In the meantime I just wanted to flag that it wasn't at all clear, at least to me, what argument the Trump Administration lawyers have in mind.
As always, stay tuned.
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What specifically do they think suspends the usual Fourth Amendment warrant requirement?
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>
Its 'see how far I can go with my own favorable interpretation of the law before an appropriately high level court stops me' theory. Hardly an unprecedented 2025 Trump invention and happening all the time at all levels. Which is one of the reasons why we have a busy multitiered federal court system.
I agree that seeing how much they can get away with is not a new invention by the Trump administration, but there is one fairly significant difference. Biden did it because he wanted to do things *for* people. Trump is doing it because he wants to do things *to* people. The Democrats want to use government to make people's lives better, and even if given policies don't always live up to expectations that's still a laudable goal. Trump wants to use government to punish people he hates and doesn't really care about making life better for anyone except him.
If I have to have boundary pushing, I'll take the first one.
Oh, and another difference: when the courts got in the way of Biden's overreaching, Biden didn't respond with calls to impeach judges or strip them of their jurisdiction. I'm starting to wonder how long it will be until Trump simply starts having judges arrested. He does have immunity for his official acts, don't forget.
Well put.
LOL!
"Biden did it because his motives were pure and came from the goodness of his heart. But Trump does it because of his orangeness and evilness".
You people are sadly entertaining, like watching retards hit each other with sticks. You hate to see it, but it's still kind of funny.
Who said Biden's motives were pure? Not me.
Most people at most times probably have mixed motives for the things they do. No one is either purely good or purely evil. (I'm told Hitler was kind to animals and Ted Bundy did charitable work.)
That said, there is such a thing as having an overall world view. Biden's worldview is to try to help people. Trump's overall worldview is to help himself and bully people he doesn't like. Sorry that went over your head.
LOL!
Biden spent his career enriching himself and his family, who, I guess, qualify as "people". And all while on a government salary.
Obviously he's a financial genius. Which tracks with how super smart he is.
Trump is so interested in "helping himself" he donates his federal salary. Deporting illegal aliens, downsizing the government, and exposing the crazy examples of fraud, waste, and abuse of tax dollars appears to make a lot of people unhappy but that doesn't constitute Trump taking care of himself.
You're laughing because you're looking in the mirror, right?
I just said that Biden has mixed motives, and probably did get rich on the government's dime. But when it comes to *policy*, as between him and Trump, Biden far and away supported policies that bettered the lives of the working poor, people wanting an education, people wanting to better themselves, people working for the American dream. That you don't see it is because you're a partisan hack. You like Trump burning the place down, and nothing else matters to you.
Enjoy your weekend because I'm done talking to you.
https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/the-president-is-shilling-beans
This is literally the opposite of true.
That is just laughable, both in your credulity about D motivations and your automatic assumtions of bad faith about R motivations.
The only legal theory MAGA needs is does Trump approve of it? If yes, it is legal. If no, it is illegal. The rest is simply attorneys attempting to find some legal justification for it using the legacy legal system. If they run into trouble with the legacy legal system, simply claim the judge is a corrupt radical leftist who needs to be impeached and, if all else fails, just ignore the Court (but claim you are actually following court orders) and countinue to carry on with whatever they were doing.
That theory checks out and should work. And it may never be able to be tested by the rule-of-law legacy legal system of days gone by, because by the time the warrantlessly searched subject could seek redress, he'll already be in a foreign prison and beyond jurisdictional reach and probably unable to communicate or consult with any counsel.
I cannot read the paywalled New York Times article. And while I'm sure the Trump administration does not have any lawyers as wise as capable as the bloggers here (not to mention the Daniel Websters of the Bluesky-quality commentariat), some three minutes of internet research brought me to Justice Washington's opinion in Lockington v. Smith, 15 Fed. Cas. 758, 760 (C.C.D. Pa. 1817) (No. 8,848), which directly concerns an arrest under the Alien Enemies Act.
Of course, Bushrod Washington isn't the final word on the topic, but probably carries a little more weight than the Tik Tok set that seems to be multiplying in this site's comments sections.
The article is archived on more than half a dozen wayback type archival systems.
https://archive.is/tNBDe
Thank you. I see it is based on the NYT's usual unimpeachable sources: unnamed "people familiar with internal discussions."
I would take issue with the statement that Trump signed this proclamation "quietly", as he does very little quietly. He's been talking about using the Alien Enemies Act against foreign gangs since before he was even elected. Frankly, I think if his lawyers had reached this conclusion, rather than merely discussed the topic, Trump would have posted it on Twitter already.
F.D. Wold, thanks for the link. Can you say more on how Lockington v. Smith is relevant to the question?
As I read it, Lockington involves a man who self reported to the United States Marshal and was detained by the Marshal under the Act. The plaintiff then sued for his release, saying that he thought the Act should require his release and that judges should take over his confinement.
As I read the opinion, the court held four things:
1) whether to release him or detain him was up to the President, not the court;
2) statements from the State Department counts as the President's statements;
3) the Alien Enemy Act did not set up a regime in which the President was responsible for the initial detention but then continuation of that detention was automatically taken over by judges, regardless of whether there was a suit brought against the detention under Section 23 (the section about judicial hearings); and
4) some fairly technical points about habeas jurisdiction.
Can you say how those holdings in your view authorize the government to break into homes without warrants?
You quote the passage that is in the third holding, but I'm not sure why you see it as related to warrantless home entries. Sorry if I have missed it, but I don't see any discussions about home searches at all, or even searches outside the home (which I suppose is not surprising given that there was no search in that case).
Prof. Kerr, I certainly defer to your expertise on Fourth Amendment questions, and reiterate my response was based on but a few minutes of Google searching. But I read the opinion as suggesting (if not outright saying), that a Presidential proclamation issued per the AEA provides sufficient authority for the President's agents to arrest those subject to it without a judge's stamp of approval (i.e., a warrant).
Does not the Fourth Amendment protect individuals in their "persons" as much as their "houses"? Does not the "particularity" requirement apply as much to the person as much as a location I guess I'm saying I am not clear as to your position. The proclamation describes a class of people, but does not name them, and says, "go arrest them." Are you saying this justifies a warrantless arrest on the street, but not in a home?
Anyway, forgive me, as all that may be incoherent, but I'm running out the door, and felt obliged to give some answer. In sum, I think the opinion can be read to suggest judicial involvement (like the issuance of warrants) is not necessary when acting pursuant to a presidential AEA proclamation. I think the issue of war powers and exigency are applicable.
If I had a few days and nothing else to do, I'd give you a better answer. Regardless, thank you for your contributions to this site and elsewhere. All the best.
Professor Kerr, that was really quite a find (the 1942 document). Thx for your continuing focus on 4A over the years, it has made for a lot of thought provoking reading.
Here's a working link to the 1942 document.
"The curious part of the story is that it's hard to tell what the government's legal theory is."
The "theory" is that he's the president and he can do whatever he wants regardless of what the law says. The rest of the "legal argument" is just so much Blackman-esque sophistry to obscure that fact.
Professor Kerr,
In your view, what does the 4th and 5th Amendment require here?
I am not Kerr but I will venture a guess that the answer is "A warrant and hearings before a neutral judge."
Your guess is that Prof Kerr would require hearings for any search looking for enemy aliens?
Regular search warrants don't even require hearings, so that seems... excessive.
It seems to me that based on authorities such as Terry v Ohio, that an agent on the street wouldn't need a warrant if they had reasonable suspicion a person they encountered was covered by the Act (i.e, person was a member of Tren de Argua). They could be briefly detained and suspicion confirmed or not.
But based on the reference to Coolidge v New Hampshire, even if they suspected a member of Tren de Argua lived at a specific address, a warrant would be needed to enter the home to make the seizure of their person. The image in the post just goes to what quantum of information is needed to secure the warrant (the Act was invoked and this person is suspected of being in the class of people targeted by the Act) not that warrants to enter homes can be dispensed with. Hence the confusion as to what argument or authority gets them to a *warrantless* entry into a home to seize persons covered by the Act. It seems he is disputing this latter proposition or is at least skeptical of it without more.
I understand the "need to get a warrant before entry" part, and I'm not talking about stopping people on the street.
I'm trying to understand why there needs to be a hearing before you can search a home for an enemy alien.
The question lumped all the 4A and 5A together. Yes a warrant does not requiem a hearing but other parts of 4A and 5A do.
I understand. So you understand what I was getting at, this blog post is about the searches themselves, not the removals. The 5th Amendment part of my question pertained to the due process clause, and the 4th amendment portion was for the unreasonable search clause.
The normal search warrant laws would apply. The police need to submit the warrant to a neutral magistrate or judge.
The argument seems very straightforward and has been around for decades. The 4th Amendment protects “the right of THE PEOPLE to be secure in their homes…” (emphasis added). Illegal aliens and legal temporary visitors are persons, but they are not members of “the people.” So the 4th Amendment doesn’t apply to them. After all, there’s been a federal statute prohibiting aliens from possessing firearms for decades whose constitutionality has been upheld post-Heller on exactly the same grounds. So why should the 4th Amendment be interpreted any differently?
Constitutional rights with limited application have been a thing for a long time. The phrase “the people” doesn’t apply to Illegal aliens in exactly the same way the term “person” lacks both extra-territorial and prenatal application. No personhood status, no entitlement to the constitutional rights of persons. Why should peoplehood status be handled any differently?
See:
US v. Verdugo-Irquedez (US Sup Ct, defining members of “the people” entitled to 4th amendment rights.
US v. Alvarez Macchain (US Sup Ct, non-members of “the people” have no 4th Amendment rights)
US v. Portillo-Munoz (5th Circuit. Illegal aliens have no 2nd Amendment rights post-Heller because they are not members of “the people.”)
Note that this theory, in its full application, covers a lot more than just enemy aliens. It at least covers everyone without a green card, and the status of legal permanent resident aliens appears somewhat undecided.
None of those are relevant here. The first two involved people living outside of the US, and the last one is not SCOTUS.
Everyone in the US has the same Constitutional protections, especially 1A, 4A, 5A, 6A, 7A, 8A, 13A, and 14A. To say otherwise cuts at the heart of the US as a free county.
I understand Kennedy wrote a concurrence limiting the holding to extraterritorial to extraterritorial aliens only. But it’s a very straightforward argument to say that Kennedy was wrong and the Constitution means what it says and the Court needs to clarify this. After all, a couple of justices to the right of him have come in and a couple of justices to the left of him have left since he wrote his concurrence.
And of course it’s not everyone. Aliens don’t have a right to vote. They don’t have any automatic right to work for a living. Nobody has struck down the statute prohibiting aliens from possessing firearms except under specified circumstanses. I could go on; they don’t have quite a few things that would be regarded as rights if applied to citizens. And of course fetuses don’t either. Does that cut at the heart of the US as a free country? I don’t think so.
FYI US v. Verdigo-Irquidez contains a list of constitutional rights that apply only to members of the people. For example, only the people have a right to peacably assemble and petition their government. If that means we’re not a completely free country, then OK, we’re not a completely free country. We’re not a completely democratic one either - stste legislatures can select Presidential electors themselves if rhey want; judges are appointed. The people have a direct say by right in only one branch of government.
As I see it the written constitution, imperfect as it is, controls, not your or my or Mr. Trump’s idea of what this country is supposedly all about. The written constituution disappoints a lot of your and frankly a lot of my ideas about what this country is supposedly all about, at least if I had things my way. But it also disappoints a lot of Mr. Trump’s. He can’t have things all his way either. But he can have some. I can live with that.
And that’s the point. These people don’t want a free country. They want Russia.
The Trump admin has been proceeding with AEA with a general air of being outside of Article 3 jurisdiction. Indeed, as some have pointed out, parts of AEA rely on determinations or findings entirely within the president's exclusive discretion (https://cis.org/Report/225yearold-Alien-Enemies-Act-Needs-Come-Out-Retirement).
With those two concepts in mind (1. this is already generally outside of article 3; 2. the processes are entirely executive dependent) you might look to either A. previous understandings of administrative review/process or B. unnavigated processes to expect how things are going forward. B. should not, in itself, render the process unconstitutional or impermissible, but that is another matter.
Consider, under A, circumstances where an executive action may ring parallel yet exclusive of judicial action. Licensing may be illustrative. For example, when a police officer arrests someone for DUI (which can be based on training and experience, observations regarding driver conduct, or refusal to undergo a breath or blood alcohol test), administratively the state suspends the driver's license. the person may request a formal hearing on the matter, but the formal hearing is restricted to reviewing whether in fact the person was arrested or refused to take the test. In the nature of the hearing, the 4th amendment considerations don't even apply, because either way, the precipitating conduct occurred (the arrest, the suspicion, the refusal to test), and therefore the suspension continues. This is entirely distinct from the criminal proceedings and evidence required in the criminal DUI process.
Here, the administrative is ostensibly making fact determinations that certain persons qualify for action under the AEA. Because AEA is largely outside of Article 3, those procedural requirements largely do not apply.
Indeed, in the example above, the search isn't even for evidence criminal activity, but instead the person itself already determined under executive review to be a person subject to the AEA.
To the extent that a mere statute (even a very old statute) alleges ot allow warrantless searches, it would seem to be obviously unconstitutional. The length of time that it has been unreviewed (and uncorrected) seems irrelevant to me.
It is possible that if there was an actual Congressionally declared war and if that war was happening on US Soil; some exception to the warrant requirement could theoretically exist. Like exigent circumstances.
Those circumstances don't exist as to Tren de Argua because the invocation of the act itself is built on a house of cards but one could imagine executive branch officials in the future acting honestly and with defense of the people in mind. It would be more akin to some type of martial law or something or similar where getting a warrant is impracticable, the Courts are bombed or not functioning or something. That not being the case at present; the courts functioning just fine because the war is made up...get a fkn warrant.
What we can be sure of is that if Trump signs an EO purporting to authorise warrantless searches, most of the cultists would defend the EO, and excoriate any judge who enjoined the FBI or ICE or whomever from acting on the EO.
Wait, the DoJ thinks that anyone in US territory is "subject to the jurisdiction of the United States"?
Has anyone told the President?
The curious part of this story, as quoted here, is whether the story accurately characterizes the government's position.
Just like the apparent Trump administration's flood the zone strategy in the first 100 days, it appears the opposition is at times doing the same, with less than fully attributed reporting.
As I wrote in a Twitter reply about AEA enforcement, due process is for the protection of citizens, not the deportable alien. (Though certainly the alien is entitled to a minimum as well). To the extend that the government is trying to commit enforcement acts in violation of domestic constitutional rights, that is wrong and should be ruled against by the judiciary.
Of course law enforcement cannot dispense with the need for warrants in many situations, because domestic searches will inevitably impinge on others (citizens) who unquestionably have 4th amendment rights. There is no way in advance to know whether those law enforcement is interacting with are citizens or not. The presumption has to be they are--though not because the right belongs exclusively to citizens. More like the gray areas of 4th amendment jurisprudence.