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The Battle over Judge Newman's Unconstitutional "Stealth Impeachment" Continues
Judge Newman files a powerful reply to the unprecedented claim of the Federal Circuit's Judicial Council that she can be suspended from her duties indefinitely. And the Judicial Council's recent hiring of adversarial experts raises new questions about bias against Judge Newman.
I've previously blogged about the "stealth impeachment" of Judge Pauline Newman of the Federal Circuit. This post reviews Judge Newman's recently filed reply brief and the Federal Circuit's recent hiring of adversarial experts against Judge Newman. The whole process continues to raise troubling constitutional questions.
Some quick background: Judge Newman has been "temporarily" suspended by the Federal Circuit's Judicial Council due to her alleged failure to cooperate with a Special Committee of the Circuit. The Committee was investigating Judge Newman's alleged declining mental capacities. Judge Newman has sought federal judicial review of whether her indefinite suspension violates her constitutional rights. But a judge on the D.C. District Court dismissed many of her claims as not subject to judicial review and rejected her facial constitutional challenges to the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act. She has appealed to the D.C. Circuit.
In December, I joined former judges Susan Braden, Janice Rogers Brown, Paul Michel, Randall Rader, and Thomas Vanaskie in an amicus brief (written by experienced appellate lawyer Richard Samp) urging the D.C. Circuit to direct that Judge Newman's claims be reviewed on their merits. And now, just last week, Judge Newman herself weighed in with a powerful reply to the Judicial Council's position that it can simply suspend her from her judicial duties under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act, at least so long as she continues to draw her salary. Here is Judge Newman's response (some citations omitted):
Article III does require that duly-appointed judges exercise "judicial power," which is "the power to make authoritative and final judgments in individual cases." William Baude, The Judgment Power, 96 Geo. L.J. 1807, 1815 (2008).
[The Judicial Council's] argument that a judge "subject to a temporary suspension who still holds her commission and is still entitled to draw her salary has not been dismissed from her office" must fail. First, entitlement to salary is a guarantee that is separate and apart from the guarantee that office will be held "during good Behaviour." Nat'l Comm'n on Judicial Discipline and Removal, Report, 152 F.R.D. 265, 287 (1993). Second, there is nothing "temporary" about Judge Newman's suspension. This is recognized even by neutral commentators. See Dennis Crouch, Is Google Simply Asking for More Efficient Infringement?, Patently-O (Jan.29, 2025), https://tinyurl.com/5bushudm ("I put 'temp' in scare quotes because it appears that [Judge Newman's] suspension is—in fact—permanent."). And third, having a framed commission on the wall while being unable to exercise any powers granted by that very commission, is meaningless. Judge Newman's commission, like commissions of Defendants-Appellees and of every judge of this Court, "empower[s] her to execute and fulfil the duties of [her] Office … and to Hold the said Office with all the powers … to the same of right appertaining …." Judge Newman's suspension from her judicial office deprived her of the effects of the very commission upon which Defendants-Appellees rely as evidence that she continues to hold office. While it is true that as a literal matter Judge Newman's seat on the Court is not vacant, the Constitution "deals with substance, not shadows." Cummings v. Missouri, 71 U.S. (4 Wall.) 277, 325 (1867). A functional removal runs afoul of Article III's protections no less than a formal removal would. Ergo, any act of Congress other than impeachment and removal that divests a judge of "the power to make authoritative and final judgments" violates Article III's guarantee that judges "shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour." U.S. Const. art. III, § 1. Such a divestment is a removal from office (whether permanently or temporarily) in all effects.
You can read Judge Newman's entire brief here.
Judge Newman's on-going suspension has the potential to interfere with many other cases. For example, with Judge Newman suspended, it would seem that en banc proceedings in the Federal Circuit could be improperly constituted—and later en banc decisions could be invalidated—because Judge Newman has been barred from participating. The New Civil Liberties Alliance (which is representing Judge Newman in the suspension proceedings) recently made this point in an amicus brief in an important en banc case currently before the Federal Circuit. En banc proceedings must be conducted before all judges in "regular active service." And yet Judge Newman is not being allowed to participate.
H/T to my co-blogger, Josh Blackman, for coming up with a pithy phrase that captures exactly what is happening here: "stealth impeachment." Of course, the Constitution does not permit stealth impeachment. That should be the end of the matter.
BTW: If you want to see the (supposedly mentally disabled) Judge Newman speaking just a few months ago, you can watch her cogently defending her legacy—and her right to serve—in a 49-minute video here. Frankly, she seems to be on the ball and "with it." Watching the video prompts one to wonder if her suspension has anything to do with the fact that she has long been a powerful critic of the judicial opinions of other members of the Federal Circuit?
Speaking of other members of the Federal Circuit, one curious thing about the Judge Newman's suspension is that it appears to have been orchestrated by the Chief Judge of the Federal Circuit, and then agreed to by other members of the Circuit. It is not unusual for issues of judicial conduct to be resolved by referrals to judges in a different Circuit from the one involved, who would have a more detached point of view. Josh Blackman made this point powerfully when the suspension proceedings started, explaining that the decision not to refer the issues to a different circuit
is especially problematic due to the nature of the allegations. Here, we are not dealing with a misconduct complaint from a litigant, or private citizen, who objects to something the judge did on bench, or in public. Rather, the allegations here concern actions that Judge Newman has taken during the opinion writing process. Other than the final date on which an opinion is actually published, the public has no knowledge about how the sausage is made. We do not know when drafts were circulated. We do not know how long judges took to make and revise edits. And we do not know whether complicated legal issues made the process take longer. The only people who have this evidence would be the fellow judges of the circuit, including [the Chief Judge], and court staff. Yet, [the Chief Judge] purports to decide whether there was misconduct. She is the fact-witness, the fact-finder, and the adjudicator. There is an apparent conflict of interest.
In its brief, the Judicial Council responds that it has given Judge Newman due process and that this is not a case that would be better handled by judges outside the Federal Circuit. But Josh's point about an apparent conflict of interest seems even more salient given recent events in the case, namely the Federal Circuit's hiring of adversarial experts against Judge Newman.
While Judge Newman's appeal remains pending before the D.C. Circuit on the jurisdictional and constitutional issues discussed above, just last Friday three new documents appeared on the Federal Circuit's website, under the heading "Release of Materials in Judicial Investigation." The documents are three expert reports, by three highly credentialed doctors. All three of the reports were finalized in the last several weeks and focus on rebutting medical reports that Judge Newman had submitted to the Judicial Council. The Judicial Council, of course, is supposed to be a neutral evaluator of allegations of disability. But these three expert reports bear all the hallmarks of adversary litigation—the proverbial "hired gun" problem.
So far as I can tell, none of the three reports discloses who exactly asked for the report. So far as I can tell, none of the three reports reveals the process by which the expert came to be selected, including whether the experts' opinions were vetted in advance. And so far as I can tell, while the experts were compensated at rates of between $400 to $650/hour, none of the reports explains exactly who is covering the substantial costs, which must amount to tens of thousands of dollars.
I assume that the three reports were solicited by lawyers working for the Judicial Council and that the taxpayers will ultimately foot the bill. But I have to wonder why money is being spent to hire experts on the merits of the case at this time, when the Judicial Council's position is that Judge Newman has been suspended only for alleged "lack of cooperation" with the process. The Council has argued to the D.C. Circuit that only a "narrow question" is before it, i.e., whether Judge Newman "committed misconduct in refusing to comply with Judicial Council orders absent good cause." (Judicial Council Br. at 29-30.) And the Council has further argued that the "relevant judicial council orders could not be clearer that [Judge Newman] has been only temporarily suspended from new case assignments, subject to reconsideration if she ceases refusing to comply with the Special Committee's investigation. The keys to the suspension are in her pocket." (Council Br. at 28.)
If the keys truly are in Judge Newman's pocket, one wonders why the Judicial Council seems to be providing the prison guards with additional ammunition to keep her off the job. In hiring adversarial experts challenging Judge Newman's reports, the Council has added fuel to the fire that it is biased against her.
There were ways the Council could have proceeded more fairly. As an illustration, the Federal Rules of Evidence provide two ways in which experts in a case can be secured: an adversarial selection process by a party in the case (Fed. R. Evid. 706(e)), or, alternatively, a court selection process with input from the parties (Fed. R. Evid. 706(a)). If the neutral court-selection process is used, the court typically will ask the parties to submit nominations and there are additional procedural safeguards involved (such as a right to depose the expert). But rather than proceed even-handedly, the Judicial Council has apparently determined to proceed in an adversarial way as a party aligned against Judge Newman, apparently determined to do whatever it takes to defeat her claim that she is entitled to serve.
So how will the arguments about all this ultimately unfold before the D.C. Circuit? Well, of course, that depends on what the attorneys argue to the D.C. Circuit. One interesting fact is that the Judicial Council is currently represented by the Civil Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. (See Council Br. at cover page.) Of course, in many routine cases, the Justice Department will provide legal representation for the Judicial Branch—at least when its positions are meritorious. But given the serious constitutional and other issues involved, this may be a case where the Justice Department's new leadership may wish to more carefully review the case and decide if the Council's litigating position is consistent with the current Administration's understanding of the Constitution.
In any event, the final decision on these constitutional issues will be made by the D.C. Circuit and, perhaps, the Supreme Court. The more I learn about Judge Newman's "temporary" suspension, the more concerned I become. Allowing a judge to be suspended indefinitely by her colleagues is a dangerous precedent that could be used for partisan maneuvering. I hope the D.C. Circuit will quickly put an end to the unconstitutional decommissioning of Judge Newman.
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Why the apparent epidemic of judges behaving badly?
TDS...
" You will never find a more wretched hive of scum and villainy. We must be cautious."
Perfectly describes the DC Circuit.
FYI, this blog post is not about the DC Circuit.
My bad. Lost my scorecard.
Be nice if the federal judges blithely infringing on executive power would show the same concern. The judiciary gets zero sympathy from me.
Speaking of TDS, this is a complicated legal issue with no partisan valence, and yet two of the least intelligent posters here decided to try to make this several-year old situation about Trump.
David, can one reasonably interpret that the dissent rate of Judge Newman (~7% of cases) is the real reason why this process is happening?
It looks and smells like a case of professional retaliation.
No, one cannot reasonably interpret her dissent rate as the "real reason" for this. There are legitimate procedural questions about how this is being handled, but on the substantive ones relating to her fitness, I urge people to review the history of the case, including the statements by her own staff about Newman's erratic conduct.
As in many of the actions pending against the Trump administration, I doubt this party is entitled to any more than a paycheck.
How so?
Her personal constitutional right is to a continued paycheck. The right to have cases decided by judges with life tenure belongs to litigants, or to the general public.
Same with any number of employees being let go or grant recipients defunded by the Trump administration. In unlawful termination and breach of contract cases a money award is a sufficient remedy. (Religious freedom claims in the Fifth Circuit excepted.)
What's the argument that she doesn't have a right to exercise the powers of the office that the constitution says she's entitled to hold?
“Religious freedom claims in the Fifth Circuit excepted.”
HA
There are ways to resolve these issues beyond a stealth impeachment.
Many durable POA's have a clause that allows a next of kin or loved one to resign the person from positions that they hold.
I wonder if we'll see more of those invoked by family members as this becomes more of a problem.
In addition, if she is truly incapacitated, she can be placed under a conservatorship, and iiuc the conservator can submit a resignation on her behalf.
The argument on her side is that, no, she's NOT in any way incapacitated, and the Chief judge just has it in for her for some undisclosed reason.
If the chief judge thinks she’s incapacitated, he (or anyone else) can file a petition for conservatorship in state probate court, and the conservator can submit a resignation on her behalf.
The documents are three expert reports, by three highly credentialed doctors. All three of the reports were finalized in the last several weeks and focus on rebutting medical reports that Judge Newman had submitted to the Judicial Council. The Judicial Council, of course, is supposed to be a neutral evaluator of allegations of disability. But these three expert reports bear all the hallmarks of adversary litigation—the proverbial "hired gun" problem.
This is second-hand-on-the-clock stuff. Second guessing a finder-of-fact before they've made a finding does not make for very interesting legal analysis.
A conspicuous aspect of these three expert reports is that none of the three actually examined the judge. The expert reports are themselves nothing but second guessing!
The reports are not claiming to be an independent evaluation, so you've created a strawman standard and are now angry they're not meeting it.
I don't care about the outcome here; this is inside baseball stuff at best.
But these are silly posts. Yours included.
You don't stop being guilty of second-guessing just because you don't claim to be doing anything else, Sarcastr0.
You're the one second guessing; I'm the one pointing it out.
Battles of the experts are not particularly strange or rare, and often include experts talking about the analysis done by other experts without making independent determinations.
I don't see anything nonstandard here (though I'm well over a decade out of the game). But this OP is irresponsibly implying a conspiracy. And of course you're here for exactly what's being laid down.
In a dispute between a doctor who has examined the patient, and a doctor who hasn't, you don't normally go with the latter. You want to dispute the judgement of a doctor who did examine the patient? Ask ANOTHER doctor to examine them!
Finders of fact sometimes listen to someone saying 'as an expert, I can tell you that the methodology that the examining doctor used is flawed for reasons A B and C.'
And so that's what you'll see in a legal proceedings involving fact finding.
You can declare all you want the only TRUE way to do expert testimony. That's just BrettLaw though.
They tried to do that, and she refused to be examined.
And people wonder why I say that we need to impeach at least 300 Federal judges...
Look at how this looks out here in the hinterland -- we have elected a President who is being harassed by rogue Federal judges and then the same Federal judiciary is harassing a judge who was appointed by (let me guess -- Reagan?).
This is Leftism run amuck.
And the Federal Circus seems not to care much about due process -- not only is there that appeal to SCOTUS pending on the Solicitor General, but now this as well. I say abolish the Federal Circus and parcel out the cases to the 11 other circuits at random.
Nobody wonders why an ignorant dumbass says ignorant dumbass things.
For example:
Ignorant dumbass doesn't know the difference between the DC Circuit and the Federal Circuit.
That being said, I think disbanding the Federal Circuit is not the worst idea ever.
What would happen to the current judges if they did that?
"So how will the arguments about all this ultimately unfold before the D.C. Circuit? "
I believe the intent is to run out the clock until the judge dies of old age, and then have the case dismissed as moot. She is after all 97 years old, they probably won't have to drag it out too long to accomplish that.
Will it be moot upon her death?
If I'd lost one of the en banc decisions by one vote, I'd argue I'd have won had she been allowed to be there and hence appealable error (or something).
Yes.
Is a conundrum: It's both DEI (has disability); but she is also 'campaigning' for her position which makes it lawfare so she's immune from discipline.
Agree with Professor Blackman or not - and with me these days it seems to be mostly not - he does have a talent for coming up with pithy, memorable phrases that sometimes achieve meme status.
Most of the time he just claims credit for ones invented by others.
I've never stolen an idea I didn't like
Let's assume hypothetically that Judge Newman is absolutely incapable of performing her duties, but refuses to resign. Would the approach taken so far be proper? If not, why not?
It would not be proper. The power to remove federal judges resides with Congress, not a judicial conference.
Counterpoints: (1) the constitution doesn't explicitly say that; and (2) assuming it is correctly interpreted that way, the constitution doesn't really provide for this situation. Impeachment is for misconduct, not incapacity.
There are other ways to handle incapacity in general. I’m not sure why those wouldn’t apply to judges.
Impeachment is for anything the House and Senate agree is misconduct. Such as refusing to retire when you're no longer up to the job.
The point is, the task of deciding when judges would be removed from office was given, and ONLY given, to Congress.
Congress’s judgment in impeachment cases is unreviewable: that doesn’t mean that there aren’t standards. And mental infirmity doesn’t seem to obviously constitute bad behavior or a high crime or misdemeanor.
No, actually it does mean that. If the Court can claim that, “We are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final.”, then so can Congress.
"And mental infirmity doesn’t seem to obviously constitute bad behavior or a high crime or misdemeanor."
Which is why I suggested that the misdemeanor would be refusing to retire when mentally infirm, not BEING mentally infirm.
I think you’re missing the point of that quote.
The Supreme Court is, as you say, final. If they decided to resolve a case by flipping a coin, no one could challenge the judgment on that basis. That doesn’t mean that they should do it.
Which proves too much. If “failing to resign because of X” is misconduct, that effectively means X is misconduct.
(1) Nor does the Constitution say anything about a judicial conference. It DOES say that judges maintain their positions during good behavior. So, absent authority from the Constitution, there is no basis for their removing her.
(Would you want the president to be able to declare that Judge X is not exhibiting good behavior, and is thus fired?)
(2) Correct, one weak point in the Constitution is it does not deal with incapacity. Except for the president, and as to him, we have seen that the 25th Amendment is ineffectual. As our population ages, it's a growing problem. If we ever have a Constitutional convention, they should take this up.
"Good behavior" seems to be different from infirmity or incapacity. You seem to acknowledge that in your post. Moreover, as I've noted, a judge can hold her position but have restrictions placed thereon. The sanction/limitation placed on an infirm judge might not be removal. If a judge is in a coma, why could the Court not suspend her as a judge until she is fit to return to the bench?
Arguable whether good behavior excludes incapacity. But the real issue is, who decides? Not a conference of judges who have been granted no power by any Constitutional provision I know.
Let's say a judge is accused of taking a bribe. That's certainly not good behavior. Congress can impeach and remove that judge. But I certainly would not want a conference of judges to make that decision. Especially if, as here, the facts are disputed.
Samuel Kent, a district judge in Galveston, was accused of sexually abusing court staff. He was suspended from hearing cases before the criminal investigation was made public. The House didn’t begin impeachment proceedings until after his sentencing, when he refused to resign. (As I understand it, he was trying to get a pension.)
Do you really feel there’s no way to change the judge’s caseload at all in a situation like that?
In fact, in the Kent matter, the Chief Judge for the Southern District of Texas ordered that Kent be suspended for four months due to his criminal indictments, with all his cases transferred to other judges. Chief Judges have unilateral authority to issue orders concerning the internal workings of their court. That the decision here was given to a council of judges instead of being made unilaterally by the Chief Circuit Judge seems to be extra deference in her favor.
So judges hold their offices at the pleasure of the Chief Judge, exactly what the good behavior clause sought to avoid.
Don’t let Trump find out about that.
I notice you did not address my coma hypothetical. Could you do so, please?
Why would it be necessary to suspend a judge who is physically incapable of exercising the powers of her office.
That’s different than removing the powers of the office from a judge who would like to exercise them.
Why? If the only way to have a judge removed from all cases is impeachment, what difference does it make if the judge affirmatively objects or not? What authority does the chief judge have to stop the comatose judge from getting assigned new cases or put on appellate panels?
Why would the chief judge need authority to keep a comatose (or dead, dying isn't misconduct either) just off a panel? They're not going to be participate in the panel.
Judges are entitled to hold (and implicitly, exercise the powers of) their offices during good behavior. If they can't exercise them, they can't exercise them. But Article III suggests they can't be denied them without impeachment.
If it helps, think about a SCOTUS justice. I don't think anybody had argued that a SCOTUS justice can be deemed incapacitated and prevented from hearing cases. But if they're in a coma, they're not going to hear cases.
You missed the point entirely. The Constitution says that judges hold their seats during good behavior. It does not specify the procedure used for determining that they violating that standard and removing them. We have generally assumed impeachment is the way, and that seems fine and reasonable, but there's nothing in the constitution that says — as several people claimed above — that this is the only way.
I would of course not want the president — especially this president — to have the ability to remove a judge. But that of course is not what has happened here (even assuming that what the judicial council did counts as removal.)
So your position is that the ONLY possible response to a judge incapable of handling his/her duties is impeachment? There is NOTHING ELSE available? Isn't it already the case that judges can be forced to be recused from cases? That judges can be forced to take certain actions (writs of mandamus)? Are there not some measures that can be taken to address infirmity (or ethical lapses or other issues) without having to impeach?
There is nothing in the Constitution that provides for it, and given that judges enjoy lifetime tenure during good behavior, other than impeachment, there is no legal mechanism.
Of course, there is power of persuasion, and the judge's sense of honor. But those seems to be in short supply.
(Recusal is not a good fit. That applies to particular cases, where a judge might have a conflict of interest. Not where a judge has lost it, and should not decide any case.)
As I note in my comment above, and you appear to agree, the Constitution only addresses "good behavior," and not infirmity. If a judge is in a coma, you're telling me the Court can't take her cases away and give them to another judge and not assign new cases to the comatose judge until she is fit to return to the bench? Perhaps constitutionally only Congress can remove a person from the position, but a Court certainly has the ability to deal with this situation.
Obviously, if Judge Newman was in a coma, this would not be much of an issue. But isn't it essentially the Court saying "she's in a coma" and she says "no I'm not!" and now we have to figure out who is right? What's the proper procedure, if not this one?
"But isn't it essentially the Court saying "she's in a coma" and she says "no I'm not!"
Sounds like in important distinction.
"and now we have to figure out who is right?"
She's right.
It seems pretty clear that if Justice Kagan, for example, were in a coma, the court would hear cases without her.
But if she tried to take the bench, and Roberts said, "no, you can't take the bench, you're in a coma," and she said, "no I'm not." and the court eventually votes 6-3 that he's in a coma, that would be a problematic situation.
I agree = Only Congress can remove her.
And impeachment is the only tool to remove her from the bench.
No. Because the proper approach (and the only one authorized in the Constitution) is impeachment.
...and without the snark, simple answer to simple question.
H/T David Notsoimportant.
Ankle biter can't even keep from biting ankles that weren't even present.
Piss off wanker.
Citing your typical response is "ankle biting"?
With repartee like that, I assume you were debate champion at your local middle school.
...and I'm sure that you were the masterdabater
You mean the CURRENT debate champion.
To follow up on some of the comments above, I think that "good behavior" easily excludes incapacity. Good behavior means doing your job properly. Doing your job improperly is certainly not "good behavior" (and thus grounds for impeachment) but not doing your job at all is also not "good behavior" and something the legislature could impeach for.
To James' hypothetical above, impeachment is one way to resolve the problem of a judge in a permanent coma but not the only way. A coma would be a classic situation where someone would be expected to step forward and file for guardianship of the person in the coma, then using the authority of that guardianship, resign from the position. (A short-term coma, on the other hand, should be treated no differently from 'I need to take a couple weeks off to have my knee replaced'. I'm sure the courts have established protocols for those kinds of sick leave. I am equally sure that those protocols bear no resemblence to what has occurred here.)
I would think the current administration would welcome the idea of being able to declare a judge mentally unfit to exercise her office and suspend her from duties while nominally keeping her on the roster. I would think they would welcome it with open arms. And I would suspect they would want absolutely as little process as possible.
Given their repeated characterizations of people who disagree with them or get in their way as mentally unfit, being able to do this with a minimum of fuss and muss would be extremely, extremely convenient. What’s not to like?
Who exactly was responsible for hiding Biden's condition from the public for so long?
This why this situation is anything but trivial. Without a formal transparent process, partisans might try and game the system, not unlike what some would like to do with SCOTUS judicial ethics complaints and recusal demands.
I think I would mind seeing process defined by statute for adjudicating such an infirmity, with SCOTUS being the ultimate court of review. (No, not applicable to any justice on SCOTUS. Yes, applicable to retired justices still serving elsewhere.)
I'm all for getting an SOP, but don't build the plane while you're in midair.
This problem is important, but I wouldn't say it's urgent; this situation is rare enough it's only really coming to the fore now.
This is the kind of thing that SCOTUS should smack down hard.
But does the SC have the balls to do so (not withstanding three ball less justices and one who isn't sure)?
Years ago, there was an aging federal judge who had been there way too long. His colleagues went to talk to his wife to see if they could get her to talk him into retiring. Her response was, "What, and have him home all day? Absolutely not."
There was once an episode of Rumpole of the Bailey, with the opposite twist. He was thinking of retiring. His wife was against it, but then Rumpole's associate told her to be all for it. "Great, you'll stay home all day and help me do the house." The ended Rumpole's retirement plans.
"She who must be obeyed" (© H Rider Haggard)
You can watch her cogently defending her legacy—and her right to serve—in a 49-minute video here. Frankly, she seems to be on the ball and "with it."
You can also watch President Joe Biden look "with it" giving the State of the Union & interact with the crowd. I don't think many here would think that settles how he was "on the ball."
The issue of incapacity of judges is an important issue.
The Impeachment Clause, concerned about "misbehavior," is not an ideal fit. We saw this in the very first impeachment, which involved someone who people agreed was unfit but it wasn't clear if he was guilty of anything.
Maybe it would have been ideal if the 25A had a section for judges.
Maybe it would be, but it doesn't.
The constitution was written at a time when most people's bodies died before their brains.
Mental deterioration in the elderly was well recognized in 1787.
Hamilton in the Federalist Papers made a passing reference to assuming that someone insane would be unfit for the bench.
"The want of a provision for removing the judges on account of inability has been a subject of complaint. But all considerate men will be sensible that such a provision would either not be practiced upon or would be more liable to abuse than calculated to answer any good purpose. The mensuration of the faculties of the mind has, I believe, no place in the catalogue of known arts. An attempt to fix the boundary between the regions of ability and inability, would much oftener give scope to personal and party attachments and enmities than advance the interests of justice or the public good. The result, except in the case of insanity, must for the most part be arbitrary; and insanity, without any formal or express provision, may be safely pronounced to be a virtual disqualification."
I don't find that one reference very determinative one way or the other. It does suggest some limits. And, if insanity can be used, not clear why maybe there isn't some other possible disqualification.
That is the nub of the problem. Easy to say, an infirm judge, or any other officer (president, Congressman, cabinet official) should be removed. But the moment someone has that power, it can easily be abused. Don't like the views of Judge X on Legal Topic Y. Claim he's mentally unfit and remove him or her.
Any power can be abused.
A judge can be committed as much as anyone else for being dangerous to the community. That can be abused. But the overall power to commit someone in limited cases is justified.
There are rules and checks in place. Not removing, even temporarily, anyone also will cause difficulties. Recusal rules can be abused. Totally removing them is not advisable.
Yes, and impeachment can be similarly abused to remove people just because you don't like their views.
(The 25th amendment is a pretty elegant solution for the president: it puts (although Congress can change this!) the issue in the hands of the president's own appointees. This minimizes the likelihood that viewpoint would be the basis for the decision.)
Right. She looks "with it" in the sense that I could follow her train of thought as well as I could most educated people. But she clearly is not able to speak at a normal conversational pace. Compare that video of her speaking to one from 10-20 years ago, and I'd bet that there is a sizable difference in how "with it" she would seem.
Prof. Cassell,
Have you seen (for instance) the email exchanges that prompted the federal circuit’s action? Do those raise any concerns for you at all about Judge Newman’s capacity?
Good questions. It's hard to imagine opining on this subject without having read the emails, and having read them, not seriously doubt Judge Newman's capacity.
FFS. She's 97?
Her refusal to admit that she has declined is a symptom of cognitive decline.
As a general observation, that is only true if in fact someone is in decline.
Hey Bubba, what's the magic age?
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