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D.C. Circuit Declines to Reconsider Decision Concluding CEQ Lacks Authority to Issue NEPA Regulations
A majority of the en banc court instead seeks to explain away the panel's conclusion as dicta. Will the Supreme Court agree?
Last November, in Marin Audubon Society v. Federal Aviation Administration, a divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit concluded that the Council on Environmental Quality lacked the statutory authority to issue binding regulations implementing the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). As CEQ first issued such regulations in the 1970s, and that such regulations are often the basis of NEPA suits against federal agencies, the decision was a big deal.
The opinion, by Senior Judge Randolph (joined by Chief Judge Henderson) explained why the text of NEPA should not be read to confer any such authority. Accordingly, the panel majority concluded, federal agencies are only obligated to comply with NEPA itself, and any regulations they may have adopted on their own to implement NEPA's requirements.
Judge Srinivasan dissented, largely on the grounds that the question of CEQ's statutory authority was not properly before the court (as it had not been briefed) and was not necessary to resolve the question presented to the court.
Every party to the case petitioned the D.C. Circuit to rehear the case en banc. In the interim, President Trump issued an executive order directing CEQ to propose rescinding its NEPA regulations and revoking the Carter Administration's EO that had directed the CEQ to issue such regulations and directing agencies to comply.
Today, the D.C. Circuit denied the petition, but Judge Srinivasan wrote an opinion respecting the denial of en banc that was joined by a majority of judges on the court. This opinion (reproduced below) seems designed to contain Marin Audubon without creating a vehicle for Supreme Court review. I doubt it will have that effect, however.
The Supreme Court has made very clear that courts are to scrutinize agency assertions of regulatory authority. While few litigants have challenged CEQ's authority to issue regulations (perhaps because the Carter EO directed federal agencies to comply with those regulations and Justice Department attorneys were never instructed to challenge whether violating such regulations was proper grounds for a citizen suit), the arguments that Congress never delegated such authority to CEQ are strong, and claims an agency failed to comply with such regulations should not be justiciable. (Whereas claims an agency did not follow its own NEPA regulations, would present a different question.)
It is worth remembering that the Supreme Court is itself considering a NEPA case at the moment, and while this question is not before the Court, it will surely have reached their attention. I would not be at all surprised were some of the justices to concur separately endorsing Judge Randolph's panel opinion, in effect inviting additional litigants to raise this claim in subsequent cases. The NEPA landscape has been permanently altered.
UPDATE: The concurring statement makes clear that the next time a NEPA case implicating CEQ's regulations gets to the D.C. Circuit, the court is likely to disregard the Marin Audubon Society decision as dicta (assuming, of course, that the regulations have not been rescinded by then). The outcome of any such decision, however, is almost certain Supreme Court review, and it would be quite surprising were a majority of justices to disagree with Judge Randolph's analysis.
* * *
The Srinivasan opinion respecting the denial of en banc reconsideration is below.
SRINIVASAN, Chief Judge, with whom Circuit Judges MILLETT, PILLARD, WILKINS, CHILDS, PAN, and GARCIA join, concurring in the denial of rehearing en banc:
All parties have sought en banc rehearing with respect to Part II of the panel opinion, in which the panel majority opined that the CEQ lacks authority to issue binding NEPA regulations. Because no party raised or briefed that issue, the panel majority's engagement with it, in my view, ran afoul of the principle of party presentation. See United States v. Sineneng-Smith, 590 U.S. 371, 375 (2020); Marin Audubon Soc'y v. FAA, 121 F.4th 902, 920–22 (D.C. Cir. 2024) (Srinivasan, C.J., dissenting in part).
While all parties have agreed and urged the en banc court to grant review and excise that part of the panel's opinion, I concur in the denial of en banc rehearing. The panel unanimously ruled in favor of the challenge in this case on an entirely separate ground (one that the parties did raise and brief), see id. at 915–18, meaning that the panel majority's rejection of the CEQ's authority to issue binding NEPA regulations was unnecessary to the panel's disposition, see id. at 921 (Srinivasan, C.J., dissenting in part). That conclusion in fact could not independently support the panel's disposition to set aside the agencies' challenged action: because the relevant CEQ regulation does not require an agency to do anything but instead gives an agency the option to rely on a categorical NEPA exclusion, see id. at 922 (Srinivasan, C.J., dissenting in part); Gov't Pet. for Reh'g En Banc at 14, any conclusion that the CEQ lacks authority to issue binding regulations would leave unaffected the agencies' challenged choice here to make use of a categorical exclusion. In these circumstances, there is no cause to grant en banc rehearing. See Al-Bihani v. Obama, 619 F.3d 1, 1 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (Sentelle, C.J., and Ginsburg, Henderson, Rogers, Tatel, Garland, & Griffith, JJ., concurring in the denial of rehearing en banc) ("declin[ing] to en banc this 2 case" because "the panel's discussion of [the relevant] question is not necessary to the disposition of the merits").
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The key points, as I understand it, are that by leaving the panel decision in place, the court both (a) avoids the panel decision setting a DC Circuit precedent that would reduce the agency's power and (b) minimises the chances of SCOTUS review, which might result in the same sort of precedent nationwide. In short, it's a splendid result for those who like agencies to cling on to as much power as possible.
By an amazing coincidence the seven judges appointed by Presidents of the party that favors lotsa agency power all concurred in the decison. And all four judges appointed by Presidents of the not-so-keen-on-agency-power question did not join the concurrence.
Assuming the legal question to be evenly balanced, the odds against all eleven judges voting at their party's call are 1 in 2,048.
But there are no Obama judges and no Trump judges.
You don't understand the difference between a legal philosophy and being a party lapdog.
Actually, that's the people who assume Trump's Supreme Court picks will always vote in his favor, on everything, and condemn it when they do. (Of course they don't always.)
Pick a methodology, any methodology, and stick with it. Not one when the Democrat side prevails, and another when Republicans do.
What he doesn't understand is what a concurrence is. All the judges voted the same way, and yet he's trying to create a partisan split on the court, relying solely on the fact that some chose to explain their vote and some didn't.
Pretending to be dim is not really you - the usual indignant :
"Damn you - I am an EXPERT !" suits you much better.
Obviously Henderson is not going to vote to en banc a judgement she joined, and the other three conservatives obviously agree with her.
The 7-4 partisan split is on whether to participate in the "we're overturning the precedent but not as we know it, Jim" scheme.
But you knew that all along.
"Obviously Henderson is not going to vote to en banc a judgement she joined"
This isn't obvious to me. Judges frequently rule differently en banc, because while sitting en banc they aren't bound by the circuit precedent that directed their earlier decision.
Except the whole point is that the panel didn’t have a precedent to follow- they set a fresh one.
The Seven are trying to nix that new precedent by writing a concurrence that they don’t agree with the precedent set by the panel - while declining to en banc.
The attempted heist is perfectly obvious even to Adler who is far from a hardened cynic about the honesty of judges. Unlike me.
You know how one nixes a precedent? By voting to rehear it en banc.
And yes, I understand your 11thD chess theory that by just saying that it's dicta without voting to overturn it, that prevents SCOTUS from weighing in. But (a) if it's dicta then it's dicta regardless of whether they formally rule that it is (and, similarly, if it's not dicta then it's not dicta regardless of their statement); and (b) all that does is tee it up for SCOTUS next time.
And if the theory is that Trump is going to moot it soon — something I'm not so sure about, because now empowering CEQ is empowering himself — then it really makes no difference.
That would be Adler’s first level dominoes theory.
“seems designed to contain Marin Audubon without creating a vehicle for Supreme Court review”
As we have discussed ad nauseam before, I understand the difference well enough.
The liberal judicial philosophy is to toe the party line, to get to the desired answer somehow.
It is on display here as described by Prof Adler :
The concurring statement makes clear that the next time a NEPA case implicating CEQ's regulations gets to the D.C. Circuit, the court is likely to disregard the Marin Audubon Society decision as dicta
ie pretend that the concurrence in a denial of en banc review counts to eliminate an unfortunate precedent just as well as an actual en banc decision to that effect. This sly procedural manoeuvre is designed to minimise the chances of SCOTUS review, setting the undesired precedent* in stone, And so kick the can down the road. If the Trump team nixes the regs, then if it comes up again the DC Court will be able to mootify the proceedings and hope for the return of sunnier times and the next Dem administration.
The conservative judicial philosophy is to do the judicial thing, read the text and apply it, ruat caelum. Implemented by weak men (of both sexes) who sometimes cannot bear the result and so adopt the liberal judicial philosophy.
* One excellent reason for SCOTUS to grant review here is the sheer entertainment value of seeing how La Kagan deals with the DC Court's interesting take on precedent.
This is a cartoon description, bearing little or no relation to what judges of any stripe do.
Kind of weird given which party controls the executive right now and is have the various executive agencies engage in lots of widespread changes.
Makes ya thin.
Changes in the "let's stop doing this" direction tend to be less likely to exceed the powers conferred by Congress than changes in the "ooo let's regulate some MORE !" direction.
I explained the set up in this case. If the trumpkins just abolish the rule, there's no precedent set that the rule is ultra vires. So when the Dems get back in again, there's no nasty precedent to stop them issuing that rule again.
Whereas if SCOTUS took the case and decided against the rule, not only would it create a precedent against the rule, but probably set a wider precedent against all sorts of rules, as being beyond the agency's granted powers to make rules. Or even a whole batch of agencies. SCOTUS coming to the wrong conclusion here could be armageddon-time for government-by-agency. Which is armageddon for Dems, not the GOP.
In short the DC Circuit Dem majority is trying to keep the field clear of nasty SCOTUS precedents unti the good guys get back in with their looooooong list of new ways to make life more difficult for businesses.
Congress could just speak clearly on the issshah hah hah hah hah hahhhhh!!!
Or, a very genius comment.
Biden did favor agency power, like with the DOJ, FTC, FCC, NLRB, and EPA. Trump is also issuing many regulations, but through executive orders. This technically isn't "agency power" because the President is not an agency.
But Audubon was a racist, so his society should automatically lose.