The Volokh Conspiracy
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A Last Ditch Attempt to Bring Kids Climate Case Back from the Dead
The plaintiffs in Juliana v. United States are seeking Supreme Court intervention to revive their case against the federal government.
When last we checked in on Juliana v. United States -- the first "kids climate case" -- the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit had granted the Department of Justice's petition for a writ of mandamus and ordered the case dismissed. As I noted at the time, this order was unsurprising and quite warranted. That should have been the end of the matter -- but it wasn't.
Last week, the Juliana plaintiffs filed a petition for a writ of mandamus with the U.S. Supreme Court seeking to vacate the Ninth Circuit's order and thereby revive the case for further proceedings in the district court..
The New York Times reported credulously on the filing, as if it had much legal merit or any realistic possibility of succeeding.
This kind of request to the Supreme Court is unusual, but the plaintiffs supported their position by arguing that the federal government had stymied the process with similar courtroom maneuvers over the years.
"Unusual" is quite the understatement, but it is true the plaintiffs "supported their position" with arguments -- albeit arguments that are quite unlikely to prevail.
A better take can be found at at Legal Planet, where Professor Daniel Farber coldly observes "there is no chance that plaintiffs will get their writ from the Supreme Court." Farber explains:
First, even if the Ninth Circuit was wrong, granting mandamus is discretionary. From the perspective of at least six Justices, any procedural mistake by the Ninth Circuit was harmless error. I am certain that every member of the conservative majority, rightly or wrongly, views the plaintiffs' constitutional claim as baseless. . . . From their point of view, the procedural question in Juliana is only whether the Ninth Circuit should have waited a little longer before doing the inevitable and killing the case.
Putting the issue of harmless error aside, there's a deeper reason why the plaintiffs will likely fail. The district judge contemplates a lengthy trial about broad government policies, after which she would opine on their legality. A recent Supreme Court case might illustrate why this is problematic. The Supreme Court recently ruled that states didn't have standing to challenge a presidential policy on immigration enforcement. Suppose that on remand, the trial judge proposed a lengthy public hearing broadly examining all aspects of the Biden Administration's immigration programs, which would be followed by a judicial thumbs up or thumbs down. You can see why the Supreme Court might view this kind of wide-ranging hearing as raising separation of powers concerns.
The plaintiffs rely heavily on a case called Cheney that dealt with mandamus. But there's another aspect of the Cheney case that the plaintiffs don't discuss: The Supreme Court chastised the lower court for slighting the serious separation of powers aspect of the case in denying mandamus. I suspect that the Court will also think that putting an immense swathe of government policy on trial also violates the separation of powers — especially in a case where they are deeply skeptical of the underlying constitutional claim.
This is not the first time this case has been brought to the justices' attention, and there is no reason to believe that there is a single justice on the Court who believes the Ninth Circuit previously erred on being too quick to dismiss the plaintiffs' claims. To the contrary, on more than one occasion the justices signaled their displeasure with the Ninth Circuit's failure to rein in the district court. Given this background, to call the latest filing audacious would be an understatement.
From the start, the Juliana litigation embraced aspirational arguments that cut against the grain of contemporary constitutional jurisprudence (a point I develop in this symposium essay). It may have been a useful vehicle for raising awareness about the problem of climate change--it has certainly generated more than its share of favorable press coverage--but there was never much chance its claims would be embraced in the courts, the Supreme Court in particular. Indeed, the Juliana plaintiffs should be glad if the case ends with an unpublished Ninth Circuit order as opposed to a substantive repudiation from the Supreme Court.
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They don’t expect to win the case, or even get another hearing. It’s all for airtime and faux outrage by Liberals.
Kinda like 50 years of antiabortion litigation against ‘settled’ (I’m using the term every conservative justice used to get a seat on the court) law. As you can see, Jerry, that tactic eventually works. (but it does involve outright lying during confirmation to make it operate...it's a tricky thing to achieve)
Sometimes it works. Sometimes it doesn’t. That’s the “fun” of it. Want to take an over/under?
What lie? Roe was settled law. Now Dobbs is settled law.
Being settled doesn't mean it can't be overturned.
I think that's at least what it's meant to imply, since, trivially, ANY ruling could in theory be overturned.
Non-lawyers seemingly tend to interpret "settled" as "can't be overturned, which makes no sense for exactly the reason you state. That's not how lawyers or judges would use the term. To lawyers, settled law means there's no dispute about what the law currently is. For example: up until the Supreme Court's ruling in Fischer, it was unsettled whether 18 USC §1512(c)(2) applied to any type of obstruction of a proceeding, or only attempts to impair evidence to be used in such proceeding. Now it's settled, and judges and lawyers know how to apply the law. Of course in a future case SCOTUS could change its mind. But until it does so, there's no dispute.
If the plaintiffs’ principal goal is to raise awareness, not to mention funds, for their cause, a published scolding by the U.S. Supreme Court would seem to be a far better vehicle to achieve that goal than an unpublished decision by the 9th Circuit. After Trump, the idea of limiting oneself to filing lawsuits merely to get a favorable judgment seems distinctly quaint. There are many purposes for which nominally unfavorable judgments can be very beneficial, especially if they come after long delays. Merely filing cases can generate far more publicity than the legal expenses and filing fees cost, and can be highly cost-effective advertising/fund-raising. The Supreme Court far more so than a mere circuit court.
Perhaps. In any case, it’s a perfect use of democracy to decide how much environmental damage to trade off vs. economic progress, which insulates against the sharp rocks of reality the further it goes.
It would be curious indeed to bypass that and suggest a constitutional right to life derivative mandates a judicial directive taking over a free economy, rather than, you know, people seeing a problem, then petitioning Congress for a redress of grievances. We love democracy! Until we don’t.
Publicity can be a good thing
fwiw, I saw a poll this morning and apparently, among democrats, the top issues were abortion and then supreme court.
There won’t be a “public scolding” … mandamus will be denied and that will end it.
I doubt there will even be any published dissent. The case will end with an unremarked whimper.
This case keeps coming back like the ghouls from Night of the Living Dead. Has SCOTUS ever dismissed a case with prejudice? Is that even a thing they can do?
Technically, it’s a little more complicated.
This isn’t review of an opinion (certiorari). It’s for a writ of mandamus.
Without getting too into the weeds, writs used to be much more important. They have mostly disappeared in federal practice, but you can still see them in some state practice a fair amount. Sometimes, something is a “writ” that you don’t think about (certiorari) or the great writ (habeas).
Mandamus is the writ to compel … something … to perform a duty. For courts, you get a writ of mandamus from a higher court to compel a lower court to do a specific action that they were compelled to do.
This is a fun procedural issue, because the petitioner are asking the Supreme Court to mandamus the Ninth Circuit … because they are saying that the Ninth Circuit improperly mandamus’d the district court.
It’s a technical argument that overlooks the fact that … there is no standing, and this zombie litigation must end.
But yes, denying the mandamus petition effectively ends the case.
Writs...ah yes, I remember. You geek out on writs. I think hobie geeks out on curtilage.
I was just curious if SCOTUS ever dismissed a case, with verbiage to the effect that the case was soooo bad, and offended the SCOTUS sense of judicial propriety so much, that you can't bring it back ever.
I remember when they called the Ninth district 'the nutty ninth' (I am dating myself, I am sure).
"
The whole point of environmentalism now is to eliminate the conveniences of modern life.
The Supreme Court doesn't like to sanction frivolous filings. Pro se serial abusers get their in forma pauperis privileges revoked: "As the petitioner has repeatedly abused this Court's process, the Clerk is directed not to accept any further petitions in noncriminal matters from petitioner unless the docketing fee required by Rule 38(a) is paid and the petition is submitted in compliance with Rule 33.1."
Ugh.
Standing is there for a reason. If you're one of the people (and you know who you are) who suddenly have started complaining about standing because of a few idiot conservative lawsuits that have gotten tossed, this case should be a reminder that standing is important- and it shouldn't be partisan. It should get ALL idiot lawsuit tossed. Like this one.
Still can't believe that the District Court tried to resurrect this after the first dismissal; mandamus is unusual in federal court practice, but highly deserved that time.
Courts are not the place to make policy. We really need to stop that.
"Courts are not the place to make policy. We really need to stop that."
Good luck with that.
Well, I can't just give up.
If we give up self-governance to a council of guardians, there really won't be much of a point.
I did enjoy that old cartoon Reboot!
Seriously, courts will make "policy" in various ways -- as Judge Sotomayor infamously said in one appearance before becoming a justice -- it's a question of how far they should go.
"They have mostly disappeared in federal practice, but you can still see them in some state practice a fair amount. Sometimes, something is a “writ” that you don’t think about (certiorari) "
Better examples of writs people don't think about as writs are warrants and subpoenas. These are of course alive and well in the federal courts.
What is particularly egregious here is that the trial court ignored the mandate as if the ruling of the court of appeals was merely a suggestion.
I haven't noticed all of those complaining about the lawlessness of certain Trump judges complaining about this judge whose conduct was blatantly improper.
Here you go!
I hate the lawlessness of certain Trump judges.
I also think that what this judge (Hon. Ann Aiken, D. Ore., senior status) was absolutely lawless. When the Ninth Circuit says on remand, "No standing, dismiss," that's what they mean.
Of course, at least the appellate court did something. I have issues with certain judges that have an appellate court that enables their behavior.
And in case you think I am just saying this now, here is my comment from five months ago on the linked-to thread:
“The first reason fails because we ‘remand[ed] . . . with instructions to dismiss for lack of Article III standing.'”
That is pretty much it.
I know that I complain, and rightly so, about the insanity coming out of the 5th. But this was the right decision by the 9th Cir., and the District Court should never have allowed the amendment.
(FWIW, this was Senior US District Judge Ann Aiken. I don’t like bad decisions that make a mockery of regular process, regardless of the intentions or the partisan valence.)
fwiw, I had similar thoughts on standing in the Montana climate case, along with the experts testifying on behalf of the kids and the associated disregard of montana's equivalent of the Daubert standard.
I reckon the group thinks big picture. As the NYT notes:
"The plaintiffs are represented by Our Children’s Trust, a nonprofit law firm based in Eugene, Ore., that has filed similar lawsuits and legal actions based on constitutional claims across the country.
Their strategy scored a big win in Hawaii in June, when Gov. Josh Green announced a settlement with the plaintiffs, who had sued the state’s Department of Transportation over its use of fossil fuels. As part of the agreement, the state said it would decarbonize its transportation system within 20 years, expand bicycle lanes and increase spending on electric-vehicle chargers.
The settlement followed an earlier victory for the group last year in Montana, when a judge ruled that the state violated its Constitution by not considering climate change when approving fossil fuel projects. The attorney general there has appealed, and numerous business groups have filed briefs supporting the state. A decision is expected later this year."