The Volokh Conspiracy
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Court Holds Federal Ban on Home-Distilling Exceeds Congress' Enumerated Powers
A potentially important post-NFIB enumerated powers challenge.
Yesterday, in Hobby Distillers Association v. Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, a federal district court in Texas held that federal laws banning distilled spirits plants (aka "stills") in homes or dwellings exceed the scope of Congress' enumerated powers. Specifically, the court concluded that the prohibitions exceed the scope of the federal taxing power and the Interstate Commerce Clause, even as supplemented by the Necessary and Proper Clause. The court further entered a permanent injunction barring enforcement of these provisions against those plaintiffs found to have standing (one individual and members of the Hobby Distillers Association.) The plaintiffs were represented by attorneys at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, and background on the case (and the various filings) can be found on CEI's website here.
Hobby Distillers Association has the potential to be a significant post-NFIB challenge to the expansive of use of federal power. A few excerpts from the decision are below the jump.
On the taxing power:
This "power of the purse" grants Congress a broad power to tax and spend on things it cannot directly regulate through some other enumerated power. Id.; License Tax Cases, 72 U.S. 462, 471 (1866) ("It is true that the power of Congress is a very extensive power . . . given in the Constitution, with only one exception and only two qualifications."). Thus, Congress may reach any subject through taxation, so long as it: (1) does not tax exports; (2) apportions direct taxes among the states; and (3) imposes indirect taxes uniformly across the nation. See U.S. CONST. art. I, § 8, cl. 1; § 9, cl. 4. So too can Congress reach any subject with spending, going so far as to use federal funds to induce a state's compliance in regulating subjects otherwise unreachable by Congress. See, e.g., South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203, 205–06 (1987) (holding that Congress could condition the receipt of federal highway funds on South Dakota's raising the state's drinking age to twenty-one).
But even broad power is not limitless. While Congress can certainly tax its way to burdening or influencing behavior, like taxing marijuana to discourage its use, United States v. Sanchez, 640 U.S. 42, 44–45 (1950), "Congress's authority under the taxing power is limited to requiring an individual to pay money into the Federal Treasury, no more. If a tax is properly paid, the Government has no power to compel or punish individuals subject to it." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 574. . . .
. . . every tax must produce some revenue for the government, period. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 564. Indeed, the production of revenue, however negligible, is any tax's "essential feature." Id. (citing United States v. Kahriger, 345 U.S. 22, 28 (1953) (abrogated on other grounds)); see, e.g., U.S. CONST. art. I, § 7, cl. 1 (requiring all bills for raising revenue to originate in the House of Representatives). Thus, mindful that "[e]very reasonable construction must be resorted to, in order to save a statute from unconstitutionality," Hooper v. California, 155 U.S. 648, 657 (1895), the Court concludes that §§ 5601(6) and 5178 (a)(1)(B) are not within Congress's enumerated taxing power.
First, §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) do not raise revenue. Section 5178(a)(1)(B) simply prohibits the placement of a "distilled sprits plant . . . in any dwelling house, in any shed, yard, or inclosure [sic] connected with any dwelling house, or on board any vessel or boat," § 5178(a)(1)(B), nor does it allow any still in any location where beer or wine is produced, or any other business premises, unless excepted by the Secretary. Id. And § 5601(6) merely makes it a felony to violate § 5178.
Second, § 5178(a)(1)(B), compared to its textual neighbors, makes no mention of the secretary of the treasury, the commissioner of internal revenue, revenue generally, nor the protection of revenue. See 26 U.S.C. §§ 5178(a)(1)(A), (a)(1)(C). . . .
Thus, Congress did nothing more than statutorily ferment a crime— without any reference to taxation, exaction, protection of revenue, or sums owed to the government. That plasters sections 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) as "not a tax." The government argues that it is a proper use of the taxing power to "prevent[] concealment of stills and 'frauds on the revenue' [by prohibiting] distilling operations in certain locations." ECF No. 30 at 21. But that conflates the enumerated taxing power with the incidental powers contained in the necessary and proper clause— which is a distinct inquiry. See Part II(b). What matters here is simple: notwithstanding its placement in the internal revenue code, NFIB, 567 U.S., at 563–65, and a facially tangential connection to taxes imposed on spirits, Drexel Furniture, 259 U.S. at 36–37, Section 5178(a)(1)(B), enforced by a criminal penalty in Section 5601(6), lacks "the essential feature of any tax." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 564. Because "Congress's authority under the taxing power is limited to requiring an individual to pay money into the Federal Treasury," id. at 574, it follows that any law that does not require one to pay money into the treasury is not a exercise of the taxing power.
On whether Necessary and Proper to the execution of the taxing power.
Since Congress's taxing power is authoritative only from the time a tax liability arises to the point at which it is paid, NFIB, 567 U.S. at 574, "the taxing power does not give Congress the same degree of control over individual behavior [as the commerce power]." Id. So, it follows that Congress cannot rely on a "reasonable" or "rational" connection to an existing tax to regulate every individual behavior occurring before that tax obligation becomes effective. Thus, the applicable standard is not whether §§ 5178(a)(1)(B) and 5601(6) have a "reasonable connection" to revenue, but whether they are needful and "plainly adapted" to executing Congress's taxes on spirits. McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 324–25, 421. Applied here, the Court concludes that §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) fail this standard.
First, the provisions at issue punish individuals Congress cannot reach. The power to tax is a positive one. U.S. CONST., art. I, § 8 cl. 1. Congress has the power to lay and collect taxes. Id. And Congress has the power to punish those who defraud the government in the process of paying them. Comstock, 560 U.S. at 137. But §§ 5601(6) and 5178(b)(1)(A) criminalize conduct of persons not subject to the tax, because the tax liability exists only "from the time the spirits are in existence until such tax is paid." ECF No. 30 at 11 (quoting 26 U.S.C. § 5004(a)(1)). Thus, these provisions are not "needful" nor "proper" to "carry [the taxing power] into execution," U.S. CONST., art. 1, § 8, cl. 18; McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 367, because Congress cannot criminalize the conduct of a person to whom its enumerated taxing power does not yet apply. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 557 ("The proposition that Congress may dictate the conduct of an individual today because of prophesied future activity finds no support in our precedent.").
Second, these provisions are not plainly adapted to executing the taxing power because they are not meaningfully connected to the modus operandi of spirits taxes. Id. Indeed, the plain text of the challenged provisions makes no reference to any mechanism or process that operates to protect revenue. Sections 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) only prohibit the certain placement of stills, while other provisions touch the product to be taxed. See, e.g., 26 U.S.C. § 5178(a)(2)(B) (requiring that distilling systems be so constructed as to prevent the removal of distilled spirits before it can be measured by the still's gauge, therefore accurately reporting a volume of spirits to be taxed); Id. § 5178(a)(2)(C) (allowing the Secretary of the Treasury to require still operators to notify the government if they change or add to a distilling apparatus "as [the Secretary] may deem necessary to facilitate inspection and [secure] the revenue"). . . .
Accordingly, the Court concludes that this arrangement is not "plainly adapted" to the execution of Congress's power to lay and collect taxes, because the prohibition is not "suitable and fitted . . . to the end proposed." McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 324–25, 421. Indeed, this current arrangement is exemplary of the "distinction between those means which are incidental to the particular power, which follow as a corollary from it, and those which may be arbitrarily assumed as convenient to the execution of the power." McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 365. While prohibiting the possession of an at-home still meant to distill beverage alcohol might be convenient to protect tax revenue on spirits, it is not a sufficiently clear corollary to the positive power of laying and collecting taxes. Accordingly, neither the Taxing Power nor the Necessary and Proper clause authorize 26 U.S.C. §§ 5178(b)(1)(A) or 5601(6) as enacted.
On the Commerce Power.
At issue here is the "substantial effects" doctrine, which allows Congress to reach purely local and non-economic activity that substantially affects commerce in the aggregate. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 549. Because this doctrine gives Congress the longest reach, it requires the most prerequisites to pass constitutional muster. It is generally settled that a regulation of local, non-commercial behavior falls within Congress's commerce power when it: (1) substantially affects interstate commerce in the aggregate, Wickard, 317 U.S. at 128–29; (2) serves a comprehensive statute that regulates commercial activity on its face, Gonzalez v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 19 (2005); and (3) is necessary to make that broader commercial regulation effective. Id. at 23–26.
Even so, Congress's reach under this doctrine is not limitless. Indeed, "[t]he Commerce Clause is not a general license to regulate an individual from cradle to grave, simply because he will predictably engage in particular transactions." NFIB, 567 U.S at 549. So, where regulating a purely local activity does not serve a broader, overarching statutory scheme, Congress cannot not reach it. United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 567–68 (1995). . . .
While the Act is a statutory scheme that governs commerce on its face, the Court concludes that it is not the comprehensive kind that justifies Congressional regulation of local behavior, like in Wickard and Raich. To be sure, the Act is "comprehensive" in the sense that it addresses just about every facet of the interstate alcohol market. It requires alcohol "businesses" to have permits, 27 U.S.C. §§ 203, 204; regulates bulk sales and bottling, id. § 206; and defines and prohibits unfair competition in interstate commerce. Id. § 205. And subchapter II of the Act prescribes various labelling requirements for alcohol products, mindful that "the American public should be informed about the health hazards that may result from the . . . abuse of alcoholic beverages." Id. § 213.
But the Act is not a "comprehensive" regulation of commerce of the kind that allows Congressional intervention in every related local activity. This is because the Act does not directly regulate the supply and demand of alcohol, does not make Congress a production manager over each distillery to inflate prices, and is not part of a federal directive to either promote or eliminate a national marketplace for alcohol. Compare 27 U.S.C. § 201 et seq.; Wickard, 317 U.S. at 128–29; Raich, 545 U.S. at 1. In short, the Act is not a "comprehensive" scheme of regulation because there are many aspects of the alcohol industry that Congress has left untouched. For example, the Act does not mandate the quantity of spirits that a distillery may produce. It is silent on a label's design and aesthetics absent a required warning label. And it despite providing parameters for fair competition, it does not influence how much market share a producer may obtain. There is simply no similar degree of control over the "production, distribution, and consumption" of alcohol as there was for wheat in Wickard or controlled substances in Raich. . . .
Beginning and ending with the text, neither of these provisions connect the prohibited behavior to interstate commerce. And no reasonable construction of the statutes can insert language that does. Hooper, 155 U.S. at 657. Like Lopez prohibited the knowing possession of a firearm at or near a school, §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) prohibit the possession of a still with the intent to produce beverage alcohol in or near a residence, boat, vessel, or any site of business. 26 U.S.C. §§ 5601(6), 5178(a)(1)(B). The statute does not, for instance, prohibit the possession of a still with intent to imbibe where the still's components travelled in interstate commerce. Compare 18 U.S.C. § 922, et seq. Nor does it prohibit the possession of a still with intent to produce beverage alcohol for distribution in interstate commerce. Id. While the statutes may anticipate that one who distills liquor at home may attempt to distribute it in violation of some other federal law, the text remains the text. These provisions are simply "criminal statute[s] that by [their] terms" have no commerce-clause jurisdictional hook to bring the behavior Congress seeks to regulate within its authority. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561.
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That should end the anslysis because Congress needs only a rational basis for why regulations of economic activity substantially affect interstate commerce in the aggregate. The "comprehensive regulation" doctrine only applies to regulations of non-economic activity.
Yeah. It's pretty clear Judge Pittman is trying to upend this doctrine, and I'd be willing to bet the 5th will be along for the ride. If it goes all the way, I expect the distillers could count on Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch but won't get any of the liberals, so it could go in either direction.
Distilling spirits in your own home for your own consumption is quintissential non-economic activity.
But contrary to Drew, I predict the 5th will overturn it, the association will appeal and SCOTUS will deny cert to avoid the question.
Whoo! News I can use!
Yeah, who says the law is irrelevant?
This is great if it sticks, and even better if it results in precedents like Wickard or Raich getting cut back.
But the opinion’s attempt to somehow distinguish distilling corn from growing wheat and marijuana, with only the latter subject to federal regulation, seems like a real stretch. It’s either all of them or none of them.
Seems like the judge is intentionally providing an opportunity for the higher courts to do something much bigger.
I had the same thought at first, but am coming around on the distinction from Raich. In Raich, the possession and sale of marijuana was prohibited completely. Here, possessing and selling alcohol is perfectly OK (from the USG’s perspective, at least) as long as you pay the taxes.
The district court is saying it is a bridge too far to prohibit otherwise legal activities solely because those activities might make it easier to avoid the tax man.
I guess an analogy would be to foreign bank accounts. The IRS can require you to disclose their existence and details, but cannot prohibit you from having one in the first place.
Raich established that Congress need only a rational basis for regulating economic activity. The "bridge too far" seems to have applied a different level of scrutiny.
I think the Congress could prohibit you from having a foreign bank account.
on what basis?
Congress might want to reduce the influence of foreign banks on the American economy.
On the basis of its power to regulate international commerce.
I'm absolutely certain they could. Foreign relations is where their power is at its zenith, after all.
That seems right to me, but difficult to square with Raich.
It isn’t possible to square with Raich, and I think the judge was probably well aware of that.
Texas federal judges, for better or worse, have been sending opportunities to overturn precedents up the chain lately. In this case for the better.
How can this possibly square with Wickard?
Easy.
The point of Wickard was that there was a regulatory scheme in place which had the explicit purpose of supporting wheat prices. This scheme was a government enforced cartel, and the way it works is by assigning quotas to producers, much as OPEC does, or tries to do.
It is very tempting for small producers especially to exceed their quota, thereby getting the cartel price without obeying the quota. And this will happen even if the excess is sold intrastate or used as feed on the producer's farm. Ultimately, this breaks the cartel.
That is, in fact, how most cartels fail unless they are enforced by government.
There is no federally supported liquor cartel.
I don’t think the law involved in Wickard & this law first passed in 1868 are in place for the same reasons.
That's my point.
Okay. Thanks.
For this regulation to pass muster, there need only be a rational basis that it substantially affects the interstate liquor market in the aggregate. That finding does not require the existence of a federally supported liquor cartel.
Home placement of a still is not by itself economic activity. Production of spirits is, which is why it's legally subject to taxation.and other regulation.
Could be, but the judge in this ruling said, "While the Act is a statutory scheme that governs commerce on its face," which would seem to undermine the argument that home placement isn't economci activity.
Even assuming the home placement is comparable to carrying guns in a school zone, Congress can amend the statute to cover home placement of stills that are in or substantially affect interstate commerce.
I don't think it can be reconciled with Raich, which is far closer on point.
Do I hear the bells beginning to toll for Wickard?
Do you also hear the footsteps of Roberts racing up the bell tower to tell that stupid hunchback to stop ringing the damn bell? Because I expect to.
I don’t think there are 5 votes to overturn Wickard, though the Leviathan, (Heaven to the establishment.) should fall.
Maybe Thomas, though.
In the mean time, I’ve got a still in my wish list it’s time to move into the cart. (Oops, out of stock now. Go figure.)
I don’t think there are 5 votes
Not a total overturn but maybe a significant curtailment.
In order of likelihood to vote for something major:
1. Thomas (itching for it, actually)
2. Kavanaugh, Gorsuch, and Barrett (on principle)
3. Alito (if the case aligns with his politics)
4. Roberts (might join for the purpose of watering it down).
The rest no chance.
Sounds about right, though I think Wickard is outside of KG&B's comfort zone. Been around too long, is the foundation stone of the modern federal regulatory state.
This is an accurate spectrum, but number 1 (Thomas) is the only bomb thrower. The others aren't eager to overturn 200-year-old precedents (Gibbons v. Ogden) or 100-year-old statutes. Stayed then overturned on appeal, followed be cert denied, that's my prediction.
Anyway, stills have gotten a bit expensive. Should have pulled the trigger on buying that one I'd picked out while I could still tell the wife it was for distilling essential oils.
Wickard was probably decided correctly. The wheat was being grown for commercial purposes, ie for the use in their dairy farm and other farming operations. Very little of the total wheat grown was actually used for the family's personal consumption. (2 acres out of 25acres? as I recall)
That being said, justice who the opinion, Jackson, used language/phrasing/terminology the was somewhat unique, and has resulted considerable misinterpretation of the actual holding .
O'Conner's short few paragraphs discussing Wickard in her dissent in Gonzales V Raich is probably the best interpretation of the actual Wickard holding.
Commerce, yes. But the clause is “commerce with foreign nations, among states, and with Indian tribes” which is not the same as “all commerce”.
A case can be made that the original intent was only to remove trade barriers between states, and to prevent states from undermining international trade agreements made by the federal government. Not to create a general police power over anything remotely involving money.
in the words of Chief Justice John Marshall, the "enumeration" of three distinct commerce powers in the Commerce Clause "presupposes something not enumerated, and that something, if we regard the language or the subject of the sentence, must be the exclusively internal commerce of a State."
https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/752
My major complaint with wickard is not the holding , but the subsequent misinterpretation of the holding. The production of wheat was for their commercial farming / dairy operation which is arguably commerce. Thus the holding as it pertains to the whole commercial activity seems correct. Its the misinterpretation that wickard reached non commercial activities is the problem. See OConners dissent in Raich.
You are, likely unintentionally, evaluating Wickard in terms of the standards Wickard itself cemented into place.
Just BEING or effecting commerce wasn't enough pre-Wickard. It had to actually be interstate commerce, itself, that was being regulated.
Via the N&P clause, you could have regulations that tangentially impacted intra-state commerce, like requiring labeling so that goods being shipped interstate could be distinguished for regulatory purposes.
But you couldn't, as in Wickard, simply be aiming to regulate all commerce just because some of it might be interstate.
A country without the ability to have national plans regarding commerce is not one with the economic engine you want.
You can’t modernize - heck can’t function - into the nation we are as a loose confederation of 50 entities. After the failure of the Articles, that’s why the commerce clause was created.
It is necessary and proper to allow policies in furtherance of national commercial policy or else you don’t really have national commercial policy.
The anti-Wickard crew are economically and historically ignorant and use that to bootstrap into a legal shibboleth that only legal minds raised in a hothouse could buy into.
Absolutely right. Getting rid of the current judicial interpretation of the Commerce Clause would put the United States into the situation Jefferson Davis ascribed to the Confederacy: "Died of a theory." Only Thomas is that crazy.
The Grainfather with Allembic top. It works great (or so I'm told).
Doubtless, but, man, that's expensive!
Darn ... wait, the law was passed in 1868.
The law deals with what inspectors "deems necessary to facilitate inspection and afford adequate security to the revenue."
It is a revenue measure. The opinion says a specific provision doesn't raise revenue.
It looks to me like the rational basis is that the "location, construction, arrangement, and protection of distilled spirits plants" are regulated to guard against production that can inhibit the collection of federal revenue.
That is the logical purpose of the limit concerning "inclosure connected with any dwelling house, or on board any vessel or boat." I question if the court of appeals will determine a law on the books for almost 160 years will suddenly be unconstitutional.
"I question if the court of appeals will determine a law on the books for almost 160 years will suddenly be unconstitutional."
Is there some time limit or a restriction on suddenness? How do you gradually declare something unconstitutional?
Comstock Act was over 100 years old when it went down.
Technically the Logan act hasn't yet been declared unconstitutional, because they've never pursued a prosecution under it far enough to let the Supreme court have a crack at it.
But who really doubts that it is?
How did the Comstock "go down"?
Congress eventually overturned most of it.
As a matter of 1A law, it took decades for the law to develop.
The courts also determine its reach should not be as what it might literally seem to cover. Again, this didn't happen all at once. It was a process. If you want to bring up that law.
Yes, it is not common for laws that old to be overturned. It happens. I didn't say it never happened.
The law can be defended within the contours of current doctrine. Instead of latching onto straw, that seems to be the better issue to talk about. And, even people sympathetic to the result on this thread seem to be doubtful about it.
1. Marriage laws were a lot older (preexisting the Constitution)
2. “How do you gradually declare something unconstitutional?” Just follow the legal roadmap to Obergefell! Nobody thought the 14A could possibly mean (was not the original public meaning of equal protection) this until activist started their lawfare in the last half century, which was why there was no high court "precedent" about it.
3. Yes, I know that Obergefell decision pretends that same-sex marriage was legalized also in 1868. Roberts and Alito dismantle this in their dissents.
4. No, I am not philosophically opposed to same-sex marriage. I am opposed to judicial fiat/activism distorting the law to accomplish something the democratic process wasn’t doing fast enough. When the shoe fits, it can be worn.
I question if the court of appeals will determine a law on the books for almost 160 years will suddenly be unconstitutional.
Wait until you hear about traditional marriage laws!
I recall a case some years back, where a band denied a politician’s rally the use of their songs. Normally they’d pay the automatic payment or whatever it’s called, like everyone else. But the band wanted to virtue signal.
It wasn’t at the SC but the court ruled, nope! The purpose of that is to earn you money, not not earn you money.
We The People granted government the power to tax. This was to raise revenue, not outlaw stuff, either directly, or charging a tax of infinity minus 1 dollars. The power to tax is the power to destroy, sketchy at best to reduce behavior. Any such tax that can be demonstrated as not really for the purpose of revenue should fall.
Stop letting the weasel corruptions from getting away with the mechanics of corruption, blocking stuff until their spouses manifest Gregory House level investment savant behaviors.
The bolded is where the court went wrong. The precedents have set this up as a joined set of all being required. Any of them individually have been held to be enough. It should be “or” not “and.”
I don’t agree with the precedents, but they are what they are, at least at the district court level.
"Court Holds Federal Ban on Home-Distilling Exceeds Congress' Enumerated Powers"
I'll drink to that!
> Because this doctrine gives Congress the longest reach, it requires the most prerequisites to pass constitutional muster
This doesn't seem supported by the case law.
I don't agree with the Congressional ban, but this doesn't seem reconcilable with Raich. Even under Scalia's concurrence (which I think is better reasoned), Congress has the power to ban something (in this case, unlicensed/unregulated alcohol) from crossing state lines. Once it's created, it becomes fungible and difficult if not impossible to ban. Therefore, they can ban the manufacturing or possession of something within state lines under the Necessary and Proper clause. If you disagree with that rationale, you disagree with Raich. If you already disagree with Raich, I'm sympathetic, but take that up with the Supreme Court.
I like seeing a limited injunction. That's new.
Sweet Jesus, I might not be a felon anymore!
I don't know whether to be happy or sad about that. It's a lot to process...
I'm sorry you had to deal with that. It's an unfortunate law and a vast overprosecution to pursue a felony.
Are you in the Fifth Circuit? Right now, it's not a national injunction, it only applies to the named parties so you might have to file your own suit. I don't think the District Court opinion is supported by precedent, but I could see the Fifth Circuit affirming.
Judge Pittman has taken a lesson from the recent CFPB case and stayed the order for 14 days to allow the Fifth Circuit to have its say.
*shrug*
Forget it, Jake. It's the Northern District of Texas.
NDTX, Fort Worth or Amarillo Divisions: a/k/a "where post-Loper Bright test case challenges to federal regulations will routinely be filed." And sustained. And subsequently upheld by the Fifth Circuit.
Forum shopping has long been (and remains) one of the key tools in the left's litigation toolbox. But when the right says, "fine -- we can play that game too!" suddenly it's somehow not cricket.
I encourage right-wingers to do their damnedest in opposing regulations, promoting multifaceted bigotry, arranging extra-special privileges for superstition, flattering gun nuttery, and the other elements of the conservative platform.
I also hope right-wingers will limit their whining, however, as they continue to experience the consequences of losing the culture war, being on the wrong side of history, and failing at the modern American marketplace of ideas.
"losing the culture war, being on the wrong side of history, and failing at the modern American marketplace of ideas"
On firearms alone:
(1) Heller, then MacDonald, then Bruen. And those cases followed the academic conclusions by reliably left-wing constitutional theorists like Levinson and Amar in the late 1980's that the Second Amendment *was* in fact intended to protect an individual right to weapons.
(2) A generation ago, only one state (VT) had Constitutional Carry. Today, a solid majority of states do. And guess what: the hoplophobes' predictions of rivers of blood proved inaccurate.
(3) Polling confirms most Americans do in fact believe the Second Amendment protects an individual right to keep and bear arms.
That's "losing"? I'd say you're the one losing . . . and whining.
I mean, we could try and have a serious conversation about the history of forum shopping, and why the particular issues with N.D. Tex. are taking this to a new level ... but based on your comment, I can tell you are not the type of person who is interested in serious conversations.
FWIW to other people, yes, of course there has been forum shopping in the past. Not by "the left," but by everyone. That's right, people have always tried to file in advantageous places- do you think the primary case against the ACA was filed in the N.D. Fla. because they like the beaches there? However, the particular issues with the N.D. Tex. have made the problem notably more severe.
Finally, if you inevitably resort to saying something like, "I don't care if this is bad, because I believe the other side did bad things, so I will agree that more bad things should be done," then you aren't a serious person. There's Latin for that, but to simplify- "I don't care, I just want to see my enemies screwed," isn't a great way to go through life.
Laugh. Out. Loud.
"Sure, my side does it. And does it well. But if your side does it, well they should be ashamed for not being more principled".
whoosh
Now apply this same logic / argument to the Hughes Amendment. (And toss in a Bruen challenge for good measure.)
For those of you who aren't up on gun laws, the Hughes Amendment was a 1986 law that closed the federal machine gun registry, making it illegal to make / import / sell to any non-Mil/LE customers any MG that was not already registered with the feds.
Previously, as long as you paid the tax, filled out the forms, and registered the MG with ATF, buying / making a giggle-switch equipped firearm was just fine (and there had been a grand total of one recorded crime committed with an NFA-compliant MG -- and that was by a law enforcement officer).
Because the supply of civilian-legal MG's is thus fixed (actually declining, as when an MG breaks a critical part, it can't be "fixed" as that would be "making" a "new" MG), their market price has skyrocketed. E.g., street price of a select-fire M4 to law enforcement is about $1200 -- about the same as a good AR. Market price of a pre-Hughes, registered M16 (pretty much the same as an M4) . . . >$40,000. Pre-Hughes, a drop-in auto sear (which can convert some AR's to full auto) could be had for $50 or easily fabricated (but you had to pay the $200 tax, send in the forms, and have the tax stamp in hand before you could have/make one). Now, a pre-Hughes, registered DIAS fetches $15,000 or more.
As I recall, we were actually looking at a pretty pro-gun law, the FOPA, Firearms Owner Protection Act, which was well on its way to passing after a lot of work.
At the last minute, the bastards stuck in the Hughes amendment, and the NRA, always fond of compromise, decided not to withdraw its support for FOPA and have to start over again. Instead they threw machine gun owners under the bus to get FOPA that year.
It was a big mistake. The Hughes amendment was the very first actual federal gun ban, established a precedent that came back to bite us in '94.
The NRA telling Trump to go ahead with the bump stock ban, though? Didn't even have the excuse of getting anything in return, it was pure cave in. Man, am I glad LaPierre is finally gone.
Yup. And there is controversy as to whether the Hughes Amendment actually passed in the first place . . . it was a voice vote that the Dem chair just decided had majority support, even though it sounded like the nays were considerably louder. But because no one demanded a roll call vote, his decision was enrolled.
But I cannot see how the Hughes Amendment survives a Bruen challenge (although most judges are going to be loathe to be the one who reopened the MG registry). Pre-NFA, American civilians could and did own all kinds of military armaments (including artillery pieces!) without any federal oversight. Post-NFA, they still could as long as they paid the tax. Today, they still can own MG's that were on the registry pre-1986.
So what possibly could be the "historical analogue" for the selective ban the Hughes Amendment created?
Who knows? But Rahimi suggests they'll invent one if they can't find one.
True, unfortunately . . . .
“Thus, Congress did nothing more than statutorily ferment a crime…”
Yuk, yuk.
Finally, our long national nightmare comes to an end....
Now, where's that copper piping?
Suck it Deep State Nazis like Sarcastr0
Once two strangers climbed ol' Rocky Top
Lookin' for a moonshine still
Strangers ain't come down from Rocky Top
Reckon they never will
While this decision comes way too late for Uncle Jesse and the Duke boys, it does remind me of a joke:
A Treasury agent is walking down a rural, wooded road in Alabama when he sees a young boy standing on the side of the road.
The agent says, "Hey, kid, I'll give you five dollars if you can tell me where I might find someone making moonshine."
The kid says, "You see that path right down there? Follow that path about half a mile, and you'll come to a tree with red paint all over it. Take the path to the right for another half mile, and you'll find my granddaddy's still."
The agent says, "Thanks, kid," and proceeds to walk down the path.
The kid calls after him, "Hey! What about my five dollars?"
The agent replies, "I'll pay when I get back."
The kid chuckles. "Oh, you won't be coming back."
At least nobody has to pretend anymore they are distilling alternative fuels for home use.
Quite a selection on amazon.
https://www.amazon.com/s?k=Stills&ref=nb_sb_noss&tag=reasonmagazinea-20
Most, if not all, people would still need to pretend, since most (if not all) states also ban distilling without a permit independently of federal laws. Hell, a lot of states ban stills entirely even if you really are just using them to make alternative fuels or essential oils/tinctures.
I’m suprised the judge didn’t refer to the 21st Amendment to argue that, uniquely among all commodities, Congress CANNOT enact a truly comprehensive regulatory scheme for alcohol because under the 21st Amendment the Constitution itself, uniquely, reserves extraordinary powers over intoxicating liquors to the States.
What is NFIB?
National Federation of Independent Businesses v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519, 535 (2012) -- the ACA commerce clause case.