The Volokh Conspiracy
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NFIB PTSD
I'm still not over Chief Justice Roberts's discussion of direct taxes.
Nearly twelve years later, I still haven't gotten over NFIB v. Sebelius (2012). No, it is not because of Chief Justice Roberts's "saving construction," which fused together the individual mandate and the penalty provision to save the law. Nor is it the rewriting of ACA to allow states to opt out of the Medicaid expansion. I've come to terms with both of those elements of the Court's decision.
No, the part I cannot get over is the Chief Justice's discussion of whether the ACA's penalty-tax is a "direct" or "indirect" tax. Roberts mustered four muddled paragraphs that explains how difficult and unclear this area is, and he ultimately shrugs his shoulders. Roberts closes:
The shared responsibility payment is thus not a direct tax that must be apportioned among the several States.
But if it is not a direct tax, what is it? Roberts does not tell us. He simply moves onto the saving construction. The joint dissent called out the Chief's failure to decide a critical issue:
Finally, we must observe that rewriting §5000A as a tax in order to sustain its constitutionality would force us to confront a difficult constitutional question: whether this is a direct tax that must be apportioned among the States according to their population. Art. I, §9, cl. 4. Perhaps it is not (we have no need to address the point); but the meaning of the Direct Tax Clause is famously unclear, and its application here is a question of first impression that deserves more thoughtful consideration than the lick-and-a-promise accorded by the Government and its supporters. The Government's opening brief did not even address the question—perhaps because, until today, no federal court has accepted the implausible argument that §5000A is an exercise of the tax power. And once respondents raised the issue, the Government devoted a mere 21 lines of its reply brief to the issue. Petitioners' Minimum Coverage Reply Brief 25. At oral argument, the most prolonged statement about the issue was just over 50 words. Tr. of Oral Arg. 79 (Mar. 27, 2012). One would expect this Court to demand more than fly-by-night briefing and argument before deciding a difficult constitutional question of first impression.
Roberts is a brilliant lawyer. But here, the emperor had no clothes.
Reading Moore v. United States gave me NFIB PTSD. Each of the three opinions cited Roberts's incomplete analysis of the taxing power. And I shuddered each time.
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You don’t say!
Maybe he could have also said, "I also haven't gotten over my bizarre and somewhat worrying obsession with Roberts."
But that would take more self-reflection.
https://x.com/ConnorMEwing/status/1803962495188578320
Congress is allowed to levy "taxes" while direct taxes require certain things. Roberts explains it is not a direct tax.
I'm not sure why he has to explain exactly what type of tax it is unless there is some other relevance to that fact.
Two options are income [Galle] and excise [Balkin].
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1584044
I've always thought there was a strange asymmetry being argued by those who claim it's not a tax. We have tax credits, not to mention deductions, for all sorts of things. The tax code is lousy with them, many intended to encourage various activities.
But suddenly a similar provision, differing only in the sign of the "credit," a "tax debit" if you will, is an unimaginably weird animal, of a type never seen before, incomprehensible and outside Constitutional boundaries. Strange.
Volokh Conspiracy had lots of hairsplitting back when PPACA was being debated.
I've always thought the argument that it wasn't a tax was absurdly straightforward: Congress, in the statute, called it a penalty. As a sort of admission against interest, this should have been given a great deal of weight.
It's the same as though you were kind of ambivalent about whether a law was a bill of attainder; Once you noticed that Congress called it the "Bill of attainder act of 2024" you should probably lose the ambiguity, and just admit what it is.
As I've remarked before, in the early 20th century the Court refused to consider the possibility that Congress had enacted a penalty if they called it a tax, and there was any possibility of revenue resulting. But Roberts wouldn't even take them at their word!
I think that's calling a horse's tail a leg.
If tax credits reduce your taxes, and they do, then "tax debits" increase them.
Anyway, the notion that the nature of an economic transaction changes if you rename it makes no sense to me.
" If tax credits reduce your taxes, and they do, then “tax debits” increase them."
Cool, Congress can now fine any action or inaction they want, without any pretense of a trial, just by having the IRS administer the system. Don't even have to pretend it's really a tax, they can be up front about it actually being a penalty, the Court won't care.
whether this is a direct tax that must be apportioned among the States according to their population. Art. I, §9, cl. 4. Perhaps it is not (we have no need to address the point); but the meaning of the Direct Tax Clause is famously unclear, and its application here is a question of first impression that deserves more thoughtful consideration than the lick-and-a-promise accorded by the Government and its supporters.
I have a different take on the "direct tax" issue.
Once you get beyond a straight head tax anything else is ambiguous at best. So what then is the point of the endless articles, debates, blog posts and whatnot arguing about it? The resolution, either way, in a specific case is going to be a coin toss - an extremely expensive one in terms of time spent, legal costs, delays in implementing legislation, etc.
Except for the wildly improbable head tax the whole issue should be ignored.