The Volokh Conspiracy
Mostly law professors | Sometimes contrarian | Often libertarian | Always independent
Dobbs and the Originalists
Why originalist criticisms of Dobbs often misfire, and why criticisms *of* Dobbs's originalism often misfire too.
Was Dobbs an originalist opinion? Did it abandon originalism for "history and tradition"? Or did the Court's history show originalism itself to be fatally flawed?
I'd say "yes," "no," and "of course not." To that end, I've got a new paper, forthcoming in the Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, defending Dobbs on originalist grounds. It's short—18 pages!—and tries to get the point across quickly. From the abstract:
Though often hailed as an originalist triumph, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization has also been condemned as an originalist betrayal. To some, it abandoned originalism's principles in favor of a Glucksbergesque history-and-tradition test, or even a "living traditionalism"; to others, its use of originalism was itself the betrayal, yoking modern law to an oppressive past.
This essay argues that Dobbs is indeed an originalist opinion: if not distinctively originalist, then originalism-compliant, the sort of opinion an originalist judge could and should have written. Dobbs shows the importance of looking to our original law—to all of it, including lawful doctrines of procedure and practice, and not just to wooden caricatures of original public meaning. As the case was framed, the Court's focus on history and tradition was the correct approach; on the evidence presented, it reached the correct originalist result. Understanding the Fourteenth Amendment as securing old rights, rather than as letting judges craft new ones, leaves more rather than fewer choices for today's voters. In any case, it may be the law we've made, both in the 1860s and today.
And from the intro:
Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization is widely regarded as a "triumph for originalism." For years, many people had assumed that opposing the Supreme Court's decisions in Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey was what it meant to be an originalist; to see Roe and Casey overturned would naturally be an originalist victory.
But almost as soon as Dobbs was handed down, critics began to describe it as an originalist betrayal. Some saw it as a betrayal of originalism, arguing that the Court hadn't been originalist enough. What was it doing, citing substantive due process cases like Washington v. Glucksberg? Why wasn't it throwing Griswold v. Connecticut, Eisenstadt v. Baird, Lawrence v. Texas, or Obergefell v. Hodges under the bus? Was this "a form of living constitutionalism," or a "living traditionalism," or something more exotic still? Others, meanwhile, portrayed Dobbs's originalism itself as the betrayal—decrying the decision as a flawed effort both in process and in substance, one that engaged in bad history to reach bad results.
Both criticisms go awry. Dobbs was indeed an originalist opinion as a matter of form; on the arguments presented, it was also correct as a matter of originalist substance. True, the Dobbs Court cited and applied its modern precedents on substantive due process, and it didn't cite Madison or John Bingham every other page. In that sense it wasn't a distinctively originalist opinion, the kind that only a faithful originalist could write. But it was an originalism-compatible opinion, the kind a faithful originalist could write. Indeed, it appears to have been an originalism-compliant opinion, the kind a faithful originalist should write, reaching the right originalist result for what were essentially the right originalist reasons.
To understand why, though, we have to pay attention to some recent developments in originalist theory. In particular, we have to distinguish specific questions of original meaning from more general—and, here, more relevant—questions of original law: that is, the law of the United States as it stood at the Founding, and as it's been lawfully changed to the present day. That law includes enacted law, such as the Constitution, statutes, and treaties, but it also includes unwritten law, such as unabrogated rules of the common law, equity, or admiralty. In particular, it includes common-law doctrines of party presentation and of stare decisis, which might have obliged an originalist Court to rule just as it did. If both parties in Dobbs accepted the authority of Washington v. Glucksberg, it can't be too surprising that the Court might have gone ahead and Glucksberged.
Once we understand the role of unwritten law, we can also see that something not too far from Dobbs's history-and-tradition test may in fact be what the Constitution commands. Many originalists reject doctrines of substantive due process but understand the Fourteenth Amendment's substantive rights guarantees to relate to the Privileges or Immunities Clause instead. This Clause likely protects a variety of preexisting rights defined by general law—rights that we today might call common-law rights, but not in the sense of being up to state or federal judges to invent. The Clause obliges us to look to history for these rights, not because the past must always be preserved inviolate, but because certain past practices are evidence of past legal rules, and those rules are all the Amendment foists on us today. If the resulting doctrine is narrower than some might like, this just means the Amendment's yoke is easy and its burden light; the remaining decisions are up to us, and to our "elected representatives."
As they say, read the whole thing!
Editor's Note: We invite comments and request that they be civil and on-topic. We do not moderate or assume any responsibility for comments, which are owned by the readers who post them. Comments do not represent the views of Reason.com or Reason Foundation. We reserve the right to delete any comment for any reason at any time. Comments may only be edited within 5 minutes of posting. Report abuses.
Please
to post comments
I don't see how any law pertaining specifically to women could be credible until after 1920. History and tradition should start there. And 1965 for blacks...just 6 years before Clarence accepted affirmative action into Yale
That is not the white, male, superstitious, old-timey, bigot-hugging Federalist Society perspective.
Dude!! You're going to ruin it for all of us white men here. Originalism ensures that our interests are forever embedded in the Constitution and thus supercede whatever advancements other groups are able to secure by general laws.
The Constitution states very clearly that its terms are to be interpreted solely within the framework of meaning that existed during ratification I
Dobbs is the only decision I can think of where a prior decision recognizing a constitutional liberty interest as fundamental has been expressly overruled. That is ominous.
Justice Harry Blackmun, concurring in part and dissenting in part in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 492 U.S. 490, 560 (1989), opined:
Those words proved prophetic.
Dobbs is the second SCOTUS decision eliminate a Court-recognized unenumerated right. The first was West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 US 379 (1937), which repudiated "liberty of contact."
Um, what about economic liberties? They kind of got quashed after being recognized, to the point where "Lochner" is a swear word in judicial circles.
Non white men are not able to secure any advancements without free gifts from the white men. Anyone who says otherwise is either stupid or a liar.
Did Dobbs get the right answer for the wrong reason.
Somewhat akin to constitutional scholars who opine that Brown got the right answer for the wrong reason.
The fatal flaw of the Dobbs decision is that Roe v Wade declared a right under our constitution. The Supreme Court does not have the authority to take away rights reserved to the population. While Roe v Wade may have been a bad decision, once the right is reserved to the people - and that right is declared reserved to the people by the Supreme Court - it should only be able to be removed by a constitutional amendment. Dobbs is essentially an unconstitutional decision by the Supreme Court
I've seen a lot of stupid shit in these comment sections, but this one takes the cake. You're saying that the Supreme Court's interpretations are effectively one way ratchets, that if 5 liberal judges rule that you and your "husband" have the right to shoot off in each other's rears while the Rev. Kirkland teaches a class of kindergarteners about the depth of your "love," that it can't be overruled except with 38 states voting in favor? Absurd.
Wait.
Is the argument here whether Dobbs was an "originalist" decision?
Really? Is originalism, however defined, become a religion?
Aye Laddie, ye reject Dobbs, ye be No True Originalist!
Good. I prefer it that way.
I'm not a Scientologist either.
An originalist conundrum: Show any context except a present-minded modern one in which the word, "history," has ever had any particular application to legal texts. Likewise for the word, "tradition." In short, there is zero originalist methodological basis to privilege legal texts at all to elucidate either word, "history," or, "tradition."
Does Backstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England count?
No.
Really? Starts mentioning history pretty early, you know. Right in the preface!
"IN this situation he was led, both by duty and inclination, to investigate the elements of the law, and the grounds of our civil polity, with greater assiduity and attention than many have thought it necessary to do. And yet all, who of late years have attended the public administration of justice, must be sensible that a masterly acquaintance with the general spirit of laws and the principles of universal jurisprudence, combined with an accurate knowlege of our own municipal constitutions, their original, reason, and history, hath given a beauty and energy to many modern judicial decisions, with which our ancestors were wholly unacquainted. If, in the pursuit of these inquiries, the author hath been able to rectify any errors which either himself or others may have heretofore imbibed, his pains will be sufficiently answered: and, if in some points he is still mistaken, the candid and judicious reader will make due allowances for the difficulties of a search so new, so extensive, and so laborious."
Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States (1833).
<...with the particular charters of government and internal legislation, which belonged to each Colony, as a distinct sovereignty, and which have impressed upon each peculiar habits, opinions, attachments, and even prejudices.
I would agree, to an extent. It can be productive to understand these things, especially the prejudices of the past lawmakers of each state and each state's deeper past as a colony of the British Empire. Understanding the Constitution and the laws of the United States and of the several states in the context of their failures to live up the ideals they expressed, the inequalities within the populations that lawmakers were to represent, and more than two centuries of uneven progress toward a more perfect union can show us how to further enhance our liberties.
Dobbs allows the “people’s elected representatives” to condemn a whole category of human beings – the unborn – to outlawry, withdrawing legal protection against their being killed.
Basically, arbitrarily killing people is now up to the crowd in the Coliseum rather than up to the Emperor. What an enlightened, advanced position!
The first problem with originalist criticisms of Dobbs is that they're being constructed by non-originalists as a form of "gotcha!". As the people constructing them don't take originalism seriously, and don't really think that way, they're lousy at constructing viable originalist arguments.
The second problem is that Dobbs is just fine from an originalist perspective, so constructing a good originalist argument against it is really, really hard.
As the people constructing them don’t take originalism seriously, and don’t really think that way, they’re lousy at constructing viable originalist arguments.
As succinct an evisceration of Alito in Dobbs as any historian could ask for. Applies alike to Thomas and Bruen, by the way.
Your point? Alito is not and has never seriously pretended to be an originalist.
Why you think more conservative jurists should emulate his example remains a mystery to me.
Evan Bernick, a committed originalist who has co-authored multiple works with Randy Barnett and has strongly criticized Dobbs, would beg to differ.
Originalism was invented in the 1980s by non-historians to leverage their ignorance of history to twist the law to their preferred outcomes.
If anyone wonders why many of us don’t take it seriously, that’s why.
Well, the word first showed up about then. The practice goes back a lot further, but until you had people defending just ignoring the text and history, paying attention to the text and history didn't need a name. You'd just call it "reading".
Wild guess: Prof. Sachs opposes abortion.
Maybe some superstition in the mix?
Carry on, clingers.
For whatever it's worth: I support access to abortion at least as strongly as you do (including government funding for it), and my antitheism is as strident as anyone's.
I still think Dobbs is correct, and that it's not a particularly close call.
Because the whole concept of fundamental rights, both in its earlier form of what subset of enumerated rights apply in federal territory and its later form of what unenumerated rights apply to states, came into being after the 14th Amendment was passed. So it’s not, it can’t be, an originalist concept. Any theory about what rights are fundamental, from incorporationism to penumbras and emanations to privacy to “personal autonomy,” is inherently post-original in its nature.
Dobbs nominally used the same standard for what rights are fundamental as Bowers v. Hardwick. Both used a two-prong standard, EITHER “inplicit in the concept of ordered liberty” or “deeply rooted in this nation’s history and tradition.”
What’s interesting about the two cases is that whereas Bowers accepted Roe as a given and then said fundamental rights do not extend to sodomy laws, Dobbs did the opposite – it accepted Lawrence as a given and then said that it doesn’t extend to abortion.
However, Lawrence, while retaining the “history and tradition” prong, emphasized the “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty” prong, with a very expansive concept of what ordered liberty implies. (Some might say the doctrine is more about inference than implication.) Dobbs, while also retaining both prongs, heavily emphasized history and tradition, suggesting there isn’t much work for the ordered liberty prong to do on its own.
Nonetheless both prongs, whichever one is emphasized, are post-hoc, and not arrived at by originalist reasoning.