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Wisconsin Court Upholds Ban on Adoption by Parent's Nonmarital Partner, Debates State Constitutional Interpretation
How should courts interpret state constitutional provisions that read, "All people are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights: among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; to secure these rights, governments are instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."
From A.M.B. v. Circuit Court, decided last week by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion written by Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley; the opinions are long, so these are only short excerpts:
A creature of statute, adoption confers legal rights and duties on adopted children and their adoptive parents. The legislature has made policy choices regarding the circumstances under which children may be adopted and by whom. A.M.B. is the biological mother of M.M.C. and wishes to have her nonmarital partner, T.G., adopt M.M.C. Under the adoption statutes, T.G. is not eligible to adopt M.M.C. because T.G. is not A.M.B.'s spouse.
A.M.B. and T.G. allege the legislatively drawn classifications violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in denying T.G. the right to adopt M.M.C. and in denying M.M.C. the right to be adopted by T.G. Because the adoption statutes do not restrict a fundamental right or regulate a protected class, we consider whether any rational basis exists for the legislative limits on eligibility to adopt a child. Among other legitimate state interests, promoting stability for adoptive children through marital families suffices for the statutes to survive this equal protection challenge; therefore, we affirm the circuit court….
The Supreme Court has declared, "equal protection is not a license for courts to judge the wisdom, fairness, or logic of legislative choices." Because the legislative classifications restricting adoption do not infringe a fundamental right or affect a protected class, we consider only whether any rational basis exists for the legislative limits on eligibility to adopt a child. Because the state has a legitimate interest in promoting stability for adoptive children through marital families, petitioners' equal protection challenge to Wisconsin's adoption statutes fails.
Justice Rebecca Frank Dallet concurred (joined by Justices Ann Walsh Bradley and Janet Protasiewicz), arguing for a broader reading of the Wisconsin Constitution's Article I, Section 1:
Even a cursory review of Article I, Section 1 of our constitution and the Fourteenth Amendment indicates that the clauses have different meanings. Article I, Section 1 states, in its entirety:
All people are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights: among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; to secure these rights, governments are instituted, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
Compare this with the Fourteenth Amendment which provides in pertinent part that "No State shall … deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."
Aside from two shared words—"life" and "liberty"—Article I, Section 1 and the Fourteenth Amendment are worded in dramatically different ways. Article I, Section 1 protects more than the enumerated rights of "life, liberty, or property." It declares unequivocally that all Wisconsinites have "inherent rights," a phrase that was written "to be broad enough to cover every principle of natural right, of abstract justice." Whereas the Fourteenth Amendment's protections extend only to those rights "so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people as to be ranked as fundamental," the inherent rights contemplated by Article I, Section 1 are not so limited. Moreover, Article I, Section 1 begins with the clear and expansive declaration that all people are "born equally free and independent." … By contrast, the Fourteenth Amendment contains a narrower guarantee of "equal protection of the laws." …
Notwithstanding the many reasons to interpret our state constitution differently than the federal Constitution, litigants often overlook state constitutional claims, or fail to develop them fully. This case is a perfect example. Although petitioners argued that the adoption statutes at issue violate Article I, Section 1 of the Wisconsin Constitution, they offered little more than a citation to that section as support. Otherwise, the parties' briefs focused solely on the Fourteenth Amendment and federal precedent, and ignored the Wisconsin Constitution entirely.
That omission is somewhat understandable. Lawyers are surely more familiar with the extensive case law interpreting the Fourteenth Amendment. By comparison, our case law regarding Article I, Section 1 is sparse. But we must break this self-perpetuating cycle whereby lawyers fail to develop state constitutional arguments because they lack clear legal standards, which further prevents courts from developing clear legal standards. In a way, the lack of settled case law should be encouraging to litigants. It is up to us—judges, lawyers, and citizens—to give effect to the fundamental guarantees of Article I, Section 1. And in doing so, I agree with what Justice Dodge wrote more than 100 years ago, when he said that Article I, Section 1, should "not receive an unduly limited construction." …
Justice Rebecca Grassl Bradley also wrote a separate concurring opinion (joined by Justices Annette Kingsland Ziegler and Brian Hagedorn) responding to Justice Dallet's separate concurrence (and citing in the process our own Steve Calabresi's cowritten article, Individual Rights Under State Constitutions in 2018: What Rights Are Deeply Rooted in a Modern-Day Consensus of the States?):
In recent years, a newfound interest in asserting state constitutional rights has emerged, which, in theory, should benefit individual liberty. State constitutional rights are just as important and worthy of protection as federal constitutional rights. And this court has a duty to enforce the rights protected under the Wisconsin Constitution.
Not all arguments for enforcing state constitutional rights are rooted in text, history, and tradition; some stem from disappointment with the outcomes in certain United States Supreme Court decisions. Negative reaction to the Burger, Rehnquist, and Roberts Courts' reluctance to "innovate" new federal constitutional rights, triggered a resurgence of interest by litigants and legal commentators in asking state courts to fill the gap….
Justice Rebecca Dallet argues this court should abandon its past practice of construing Article I, Section 1 of the Wisconsin Constitution to provide substantially identical protections as the Fourteenth Amendment. Instead, she invites litigants to ask this court to invent constitutional rights: "[T]he lack of settled case law [discussing Article I, Section 1] should be encouraging to litigants. It is up to us—judges, lawyers, and citizens—to give effect to the fundamental guarantees of Article I, Section 1." As a pivotal part of her call for activism, Justice Dallet claims this court has embraced a "pluralistic approach" to constitutional interpretation in which this court "balance[s] the majority's values against the values that should be protected from society's majorities." Nothing could be further from the truth or more corrosive to our democratic form of government.
It is not for judges to superimpose their values on the constitution. The Wisconsin Constitution's text "is the very product of an interest balancing by the people," which judges cannot "conduct for them anew" in each case. The balance struck by the people of Wisconsin, as embodied in the constitution, "demands our unqualified deference." What the constitution does not say is as important as what it says. If the constitution itself does not bar majorities from passing certain laws, there is no lawful basis for judges to say otherwise. Nothing in the constitution authorizes judges to void laws that violate some judges' sense of what ought to be. There is a good reason jurists "seldom endorse[ ]" the views espoused by Justice Dallet openly: They contradict "the basic democratic theory of our government." …
Justice Jill Karofsky also concurred separately, sitting out the state constitutional law debate but arguing that the law, though constitutional under the federal constitution, was bad for children:
I agree with the majority that A.M.B.'s constitutional challenge merits rational basis review and that the challenged adoption statutes have a rational basis under the law. Rational basis review presents a low bar for the state to clear. We need only to conceive of a single rational connection between the statutes and a legitimate state interest in order for us to uphold the statutes' constitutionality. Here it is rational for the legislature to connect marriage to relationship longevity, then relationship longevity to household stability, and finally household stability to the child's best interest. Because there is a conceivable logic behind those connections, the statutes have a rational basis.
But in this case, the logical threads begin to shred under the weight of any sincere scrutiny. Here, we are left with the inescapable fact that the legally rational statutes prevented an adoption that all agree would have been in A.M.B.'s best interest. This incongruent outcome exemplifies the specious connection between the statutes and their stated goal of promoting a child's best interest. At first glance the connection may seem neatly knitted together; however, closer inspection reveals nothing more than a fraying tangle of dubious assumptions, circular reasoning, and outdated values that fail to reflect the practical realities of modern family life. I write separately to call out these three fraying threads that form an ever weakening connection between our adoption statutes and the goal of a child's best interest. I urge the legislature to reform the adoption restrictions so that they truly support the best interest of every child….
Children can and do thrive in families with single, unmarried, or married parents. This case is an excellent example of the second category. T.G. has, by all accounts, demonstrated dedication and commitment to A.M.B. over the past decade, and for her part A.M.B. reports that she views T.G. as a father figure. There is no dispute that adoption would be in A.M.B.'s best interest….
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Weird how the plaintiffs would rather litigate this case all the way up to the state supreme court than get married.
I was thinking the same thing.
My first instinct was that they were represented by attorneys from interest groups making this a test case, but the only plaintiff’s brief was filed by what appears to be a traditional law firm. ‘
So yeah, I don’t see why they wouldn’t just get married at a courthouse and ask for a new hearing based on changed circumstances.
I also agree. If the parents are married it is easier to decide the child status if the couple breaks up. I could see this being a problem. Easier to get married and since Wisconsin allows both heterosexual and same sex marriage there seem little reason to avoid marriage.
Well now they’ve lost, perhaps they’ll get married if they really do think that adoption best serves the interests of the child.
All we know so far is that the adoption has been less important to them than not getting married.
Plenty of folks out there that have been soured by marriage but who still make great partners.
If you’ve got a divorce or two (or more) but you’ve been making a go at a relationship and its worked out well for 10 years… why ever get married?
So that you can adopt the kid you want to adopt — something which everyone involved apparently agrees would be in the best interests of the kid.
I’m not the only one who noticed that….
Justice Jill Karofsky also concurred separately, sitting out the state constitutional law debate but arguing that the law, though constitutional under the federal constitution, was bad for children
Whether the law is good or bad for children is irrelevant to the case. Justice Karofsky’s job is to decide on the legislature’s authority, not on what she thinks the legislature should do.
Well, she did decide that the legislature had the authority to do that; but she also wrote a nonbinding opinion suggesting what the law ought to be. Such suggestions are not uncommon, from both sides of the aisle, as best I can tell, and are often seen as useful contributions.
Justice Thomas did exactly that in Lawrence v. Texas, saying the anti-sodomy law was “uncommonly silly” and that he would vote to repeal it.
The Karofsky concurrence was very strange. She suggested that there was no functional difference between marriage and cohabitation. But we know based on the scientific literature that children do better with married parents than cohabitating ones. Perhaps that is not true in every case. But legislatures get to draw lines between groups on non-suspect classes if the groups have measurable differences between them. Justice Karovsky might not like marriage or feel that it is an beneficial institution, but the data shows that it is. And legislatures get to give benefits to those couples who have undertaken the obligations of marriage. To suggest to the contrary is bizarre.
It is also strange for her to say that the adoption is in the child’s best interest. Why is that so certain? Just because no opposing party filed a brief? Maybe is better off with legal parents who have some commitment to each other. Maybe the child will reconnect with the biological father. Maybe there is some unspoken reason why this couple does not get married, and that same reason would work against the child.
Karofsky goes beyond suggesting a change to the law. She seems to reject the entire value of marriage for legal parents.
From Karofsky ‘s concurrence:
It’s outdated to posit a connection between marriage and family?
This is not a case where you have some truly alternative family structure. You have a man and a woman who have been cohabitating for 10 years. “If only the legislature had thought of some way to officially join these people in the eyes of the law!” Please.
Having had a quick skim through Karofsky’s effort…. Wow !
I assume she’s not a fool (smarts-wise) so we have to go for the knave option.
1. She says that research shows that marriage is no guarantee of stability (No shit, Sherlock) and she cites research showing :
More than 20% of children have witnessed domestic violence within their lifetime, often resulting in long term harm to their development.
Spot the bit that’s missing ? Yes – the breakdown of the incidence of domestic violence witnessed by children in (a) married couple v (b) non married couples.
If the rates were equal or unfavorable to marriage, she’d tell us. Silence tells us all we need to know. If – that is – we didn’t already know : that domestic violence is (much) lower in married couple than in non married couples.
2. The second one is even nuttier :
[A] large body of research now exists that finds that children are not necessarily better off living with two biological parents who are in constant marital conflict.”)
You don’t say ! “Biological parents in constant marital conflict” – now that’s a balanced sample ! Again the real question is – are married couples in constant conflict, sufficient to trouble the child, more frequently, equally frequently, or less frequently than non married couples ? Again we know the answer to this from decades of research all pointing one way.
I’m not sure she’s learned how to play the game yet. The idea is to conceal your rabid political fangs when it makes no difference to the result, and only deploy them when it flips the result.
I looked her up. Single mom of two. Marathoner. Jewish. Trump-hater. Elected in a high-profile battle with millions of Democrat and out-of-state money. Has all the left-wing views on guns, abortion, marriage, etc. Her rabid political fangs are known.
T.G. should have asserted a religious objection to the statute. That might have thrown some of the clingers off the scent enough to create a puncher’s chance.
You mean T.G. could have joined a religion that rejects marriage? I do not know of any, but maybe he could find one if he looks hard enough.