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Brief Challenging Texas Restriction on "Sexual Gesticulations Using Accessories or Prosthetics That Exaggerate … Sexual Characteristics"
I was delighted to sign on to this amicus brief supporting the challenge to Texas's S.B. 12 (Woodlands Pride, Inc. v. Paxton (5th Cir.)), which was filed on behalf of Prof. Dale Carpenter (SMU), Dean Erwin Chemerinsky (Berkeley), the Stanton Foundation First Amendment Clinic at Vanderbilt Law School, and me. Here's a summary of the Texas statute, from the brief:
{S.B. 12 restricts "[s]exually oriented performance[s]," which are defined as one that features nudity or "sexual conduct" and "appeals to the prurient interest in sex." See Tex. Penal Code § 43.28(a)(2). Sexual conduct, in turn, is defined as, among other things, "the exhibition of sexual gesticulations using accessories or prosthetics that exaggerate male or female sexual characteristics." Id. § 43.28(a)(1)(E). None of the key terms—"sexual gesticulations," "accessories or prosthetics," "exaggerate"—are further defined.
Texas restricts these performances three ways: (1) S.B. 12 criminalizes the performers by making it a crime to "engage[] in a sexually oriented performance" "on public property" where it "could reasonably be expected to be viewed by a child" or "in the presence" of a minor, id. § 43.28(b); (2) it regulates non-public, commercial properties by prohibiting anyone who controls the premises of a commercial enterprise from allowing a restricted performance on the premises in a child's presence, Tex. Health & Safety Code § 769.002; and, (3) it proscribes a municipality or county from authorizing such a performance "on public property" at all or "in the presence of an individual younger than 18," Tex. Loc. Gov't Code § 243.0031(c)(1)–(2). The defined performances are banned regardless of whether they have literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.}
Here's the summary of the argument:
[S.B. 12] is an unconstitutional content-based restriction on First Amendment-protected speech. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that similar laws targeting "sexually oriented" speech are content-based and subject to strict scrutiny.
Even though S.B. 12 does not explicitly mention "drag," the state legislature intended to, and did, functionally target drag performances in Texas, especially when viewable by minors but also when performed on public property regardless of whether in the presence of a minor. See Tex. Penal Code § 43.28(b) (criminalizing "engag[ing] in a sexually oriented performance" "on public property" where it "could reasonably be expected to be viewed by a child" or "in the presence" of a minor); Tex. Health & Safety Code § 769.002 (regulating non-public, commercial properties by prohibiting anyone who controls the premises of a commercial enterprise from allowing a restricted performance on the premises in a child's presence); Tex. Loc. Gov't Code § 243.0031(c)(1)–(2) (proscribing a municipality or county from authorizing such a performance "on public property" at all or "in the presence of an individual younger than 18"); Tex. Loc. Gov't Code § 243.0031(c)(1) (banning municipalities from permitting the restricted performances on public property, full stop); see also Senator Hughes, C.S.S.B. 12 Author's / Sponsor's Statement of Intent (Mar. 30, 2023) (calling for an end to the "recent cultural trend … for drag shows to be performed in venues generally accessible to the public"). For these reasons, S.B. 12 is subject to strict scrutiny.
Texas contends that S.B. 12 is not subject to strict scrutiny because it allegedly only bans obscenity and, furthermore, is directed only at the "secondary effects" of the restricted speech. However, neither of these exceptions to strict scrutiny applies here. S.B. 12 restricts far more than obscene speech. Unlike other statutes upheld by the courts on obscenity grounds, it fails to incorporate all essential elements of the "obscenity" test promulgated by the Supreme Court. See Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973). Contrary to the statements made by the bill's sponsors, see infra, drag performance, even sexually provocative drag performance, is not obscene under Miller. In one glaring omission, S.B. 12 has no exception for speech that has literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.
And the so-called "secondary effects" of the targeted performances raised by Texas—the purported harm to children—is instead a direct effect of the speech, a content-based justification requiring the application of strict scrutiny. Analyzing this exact justification for a similar law, the Supreme Court explicitly held that the "secondary effects" doctrine was "irrelevant." United States v. Playboy Ent. Grp., 529 U.S. 803, 806, 812, 815 (2000); see also Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 412 (1989) (holding that a law based on the communicative or emotive impact of speech on its audience is content based and subject to "the most exacting scrutiny" (quoting Boos v. Barry, 485 U.S. 312, 321 (1988))). So, too, here.
Because S.B. 12 must be subject to strict scrutiny and is not narrowly tailored to achieve Texas's asserted interest—it is overbroad and lacks a parental consent exception—it should be struck down.
And here's an excerpt from the discussion of the obscenity exception:
S.B. 12 prohibits speech that does not meet the test for obscenity in Miller. It only adopts one part of the first prong of the Miller test: that a performance is banned if it "appeal[s] to the prurient interest in sex." Tex. Penal Code § 43.28(a)(2)(B). It fails to satisfy or even address the rest of the test. S.B. 12 is not limited to depictions of "patently offensive 'hard core' sexual conduct," such as those that depict "ultimate sexual acts, normal or perverted," "masturbation, excretory functions, and lewd exhibitions of the genitals." Miller, 413 U.S. at 25, 27; e.g., Hoover v. Boyd, 801 F.2d 740, 741 (5th Cir. 1986). As discussed below, S.B. 12 attempts to ban "gesticulations," which is far outside Miller's scope. It also does not make any leeway for "contemporary community standards" and does not consider "the work as a whole," see Miller, 413 U.S. at 24, which "is critical when it comes to the exercise of free speech, especially when, as here, its exercise has criminal consequences." Netflix, Inc. v. Babin, 88 F.4th 1080, 1098 (5th Cir. 2023) (criticizing prosecutor for failing to "show the grand juries the entire length of the film (or even the more immediate context of the few scenes he showed)"). And, importantly, it fails to contain a carveout for sexually oriented performances that have artistic or political value. See Ashcroft, 535 U.S. at 578 (noting that a key reason the court struck down the Communications Decency Act in Reno was that the statute failed to "exclude[] from the scope of its coverage works with serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value"); see also Book People, Inc. v. Wong, No. 23-cv-00858, 2023 WL 6060045, at *20–21 (W.D. Tex. Sept. 18, 2023) (holding that a statute does not meet Miller test where its definition of "sexually relevant material" does not include consideration of literary, artistic, political, and scientific value), aff'd in part, vacated in part, & remanded on other grounds, 91 F.4th 318 (5th Cir. 2024).
S.B. 12 also fails to "specifically define[]" the "sexual conduct" it proscribes. See Reno, 521 U.S. at 870–72 (vague prohibition on patently offensive sexual material is "problematic for purposes of the First Amendment"). For example, S.B. 12 prohibits "the exhibition of sexual gesticulations using accessories or prosthetics that exaggerate male or female sexual characteristics," but there is no real telling what that means, despite Texas's attempts to do so in its brief. See, e.g., HM Fla.-ORL, LLC, 2023 WL 4157542, at *7 (prohibition on undefined "'lewd' conduct and exposure of prosthetics[] represent[s] a material departure from the established obscenity outline set forth in Miller"). Texas argues that, to the extent drag performers are merely shimmying, shaking, or twerking, they are not engaged in "sexual gesticulations." Tex. Br. at 15. But the dictionary definition of "gesticulation," as Texas itself cites, is quite broad, covering any "expressive gesture made in showing strong feeling or in enforcing an argument." Id. (citing Gesticulation, Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary 525 (11th ed. 2003)). Nearly every performer "gesticulates" and shows "strong feeling" during a show or while dancing.
Nor does the modifier "sexual" meaningfully limit the prohibition, if it provides a limitation at all. "Sexual gesticulation"—a term S.B. 12 leaves undefined—easily encompasses run-of-the-mill dancing—including tango, salsa, twerking, Elvis's hip thrusts—all of which involve sexually "expressive gestures" with one's body. Moreover, drag performers often use prosthetics to imitate and exaggerate sex characteristics, including breastplates or packers. If they do, and "show strong feeling," S.B. 12 makes them criminals. This definition, from Texas's own brief, goes far beyond what Miller permits. See 413 U.S. at 27 ("Under the holdings announced today, no one will be subject to prosecution for the sale or exposure of obscene materials unless these materials depict or describe patently offensive 'hard core' sexual conduct ….").
This Court's recent decision in Free Speech Coalition does not compel a different result. There, the panel (over a vigorous dissent) held that laws protecting minors from content that is obscene for minors need only pass rational-basis review. 95 F.4th at 267–69. But the age-restriction for pornography websites considered in that case is vastly different from the law here. First, the regulation at issue in Free Speech Coalition only blocked minors from viewing pornography online; any adult could continue to view the content by simply verifying their age. Id. at 275 ("H.B. 1181 allows adults to access as much pornography as they want whenever they want."). S.B. 12, in contrast, prohibits these performances on any public property, regardless of whether a minor is present or not, and it criminalizes the performers even on private property merely if a child "could reasonably be expected to" view their show, which restricts (and chills) much more adult-access to protected speech than an age-verification requirement. Id. at 276 ("The law in Ginsberg, like H.B. 1181, targeted distribution to minors; the law in Playboy targeted distribution to all."). S.B. 12, by precluding adults from viewing banned performances that would otherwise take place, is much more like the regulation in Playboy, which restricted when an adult could view a "sexually-oriented" television programming because a child would be likely to view it at that time. See 529 U.S. at 806–07. Second, the law in Free Speech Coalition restricted content by incorporating each portion of the Miller obscenity test, merely appending "for minors" to every prong. Free Speech Coal., 95 F.4th at 267. S.B. 12, in contrast, only incorporates one portion of the Miller test. Accordingly, S.B. 12 is much closer to the restriction in Playboy (applying strict scrutiny) than the restriction in Ginsberg (applying rational-basis review).
S.B. 12's broad sweep, thus, "extends to [performances] that are not obscene under the Miller standard," Ashcroft, 535 U.S. at 235, and it restricts the ability of adults to view the prohibited speech even though the law is primarily (though not exclusively) targeted to minors. Accordingly, the exemption from strict scrutiny for obscenity restrictions does not apply….
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Good to see Chemerinsky has time to work on important stuff while he’s going through difficult times. Has the American Lawyer Guild weighed in?? Asking for a friend.
But ... but ... but ... https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RybNI0KB1bg
Would a simple, normal, padded bra not qualify under the Texas standard? On the other end, Madonna’s pointy bras back in the 80s?
The Texas language seems to include a TON of seemingly normal and/or uncontroversial things.
IANAL but it would seem that the law prohibits performances of a sexual nature. Wearing a bra, a stuffed cod piece, etc on their own would not check that box.
If someone were to perform a Madonna act from the missile bra days in front of minors, that may run afoul. Not simply because of the sexual nature of the performance plus enhancers, but because of the known or likely should have known presence of minors.
Heck... even as it is described above someone in drag walking down the street a la Bosom Buddies or Mrs. Doubtfire style would be fine. Those lack a "sexual performace" element.
In her performance with the cone bras, they did rotate their hands about the cones a few times.
Gosh, law is fun!
Heck… even as it is described above someone in drag walking down the street a la Bosom Buddies or Mrs. Doubtfire style would be fine. Those lack a “sexual performace” element.
Lack sexual performance element? Speak for yourself, buddy.
Asking for a friend, I assume?
"... and it restricts the ability of adults to view the prohibited speech ..."
The question isn't whether minors should be allowed to see drag queens, it's why drag queens feel compelled to perform in front of minors.
We know why. The same reason every LGBTQ wants access to your children.
You forgot the +, bigot.
Far greater risk of molestation from priests, sports coaches, etc. Sexual assault or grooming from drag queens appears to be extremely rare.
One explanation that fits for why the "puritan" right are so opposed to drag queens is that they don't want the competition...
When priests, sports coaches, etc. where gay molesting children homosexuals and other assorted freaks only made up 2% of the population.
Now that the Homo Agenda has infiltrated the schools, the youngest generation is now 30-40% non-normal.
You can't deny the facts.
It seems like a lot of conflating "Can't be sexual with kids" and "Can't be sexual" by the defenders of drag. It is disingenuous.
We (the civilized at least) understand the distinction between "You can't have sex" and "You can't have sex with a minor." One is ridiculous and an imposition on human nature. One is don't diddle kids. We can toss one out as a bad rule while keeping the other. Yet somehow the Drag Queen Story Hour people can't see the difference a lot of the time (with the first distinction... not making a claim about if they are pedos or not).
That isn't to say there aren't disingenuous players on the "don't sexualize my kids" crowd... but it is disingenuous all the same.
As I noted above, there's a far greater risk of molestation from priests, sports coaches, etc. Sexual assault or grooming from drag queens appears to be extremely rare.
You may be right about molestation. But does that mean we do nothing about other forms of inappropriate exposure to kids?
These aren't exclusive issues where we have to deal with one while defending the other.
They can both be bad. The fact that so many seem to be resistant to calling sexual exposure to kids bad based solely on who does it seems to be a problem. And I don't recall hordes of Catholics or parents of Boy Scouts yelling "But what about those people?!" I instead recall many of them being upset at these institutions for letting it happen for so long and trying to brush it under the rug.
I was molested by a spirit…they aren’t all saints. Casper the friendly ghost…more like Casper the ghost that should be on the pedo register!!
That may be, but it irrelevant. You're in far more danger skydiving than driving. But that doesn't mean you can ignore your seat belt.
As I noted above, there’s a far greater risk of molestation from priests, sports coaches, etc. Sexual assault or grooming from drag queens appears to be extremely rare.
That might have been a compelling argument in the 5th grade, but not so much after that point.
Well, there is the post of the ban that applies to “on public property”. If that’s read narrowly to only control discretionary approvals by local government, it’s probably constitutional. If that’s read broadly to include approvals of uses by the public of public fora, then it’s at least very close to the line of whether it’s the least restrictive possible means to achieve a compelling government objective.
I think the rest of the law, which is (as you point out) conditioned on children being actually or likely present, is on relatively firm footing.
Do they? Or is it a couple of jackass horror cases repeated over and over?
The question is why this law would ban all public performances regardless of whether minors are present. There's nothing here indicating whether they do want to perform in places with minors present, but, if it's a commercial enterprise, I imagine it would be for similar reasons as any other entertainment would want to allow families of all ages to view something.
The question is why this law would ban all public performances regardless of whether minors are present.
The real question is, "What part of...
where it "could reasonably be expected to be viewed by a child" or "in the presence" of a minor
...did you not understand?"
I filed one too, arguing on behalf of the First Christian Church of Katy, my client, that the law threatens the Church's free exercise and free speech rights.
I'm guessing no one falls asleep during Sunday morning services at the First Christian Church of Katy.
A sanction for your frivolous argument will make the legal system a better place.
It's not frivolous. I cited extensive authority in my brief. The fact that you don't like what the law says doesn't make it not law; it just makes you wrong.
Your brief is just trolling in legalese.