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Supreme Court to Consider Whether Members of Congress Have Article III Standing to Sue Federal Agencies
The Supreme Court has accepted certiorari in Carnahan v. Maloney to consider whether members of Congress can sue to force disclosure of information from the General Services Administration.
Today the Supreme Court granted certiorari in Carnahan v. Maloney, which presents the question "whether individual Members of Congress have Article III standing to sue an executive agency to compel it to disclose information that the Members have requested under 5 U.S.C. 2954." This case will likely produce an important ruling on the scope of Article III standing by members of Congress and (if I may dare a prediction) the ultimate decision will likely constrain the tendency of some members of Congress to litigate when they should legislate.
The case arises from a long-running effort of members of the House Committee on Government Operations to obtain information from the General Services Administration about its management of the Old Post Office building which was leased to the Trump Old Post Office LLC for purposes of operating the Trump Hotel. Members of Congress feared, with some justification, that the terms of the least may have violated federal law given Donald Trump's financial interest in the hotel.
5 U.S.C. § 2954 provides that seven members of the House Government Operations Committee can demand information from a federal agency, even if not a majority of the Committee. Citing this provision, several members of the Committee sought information about the lease. After the GSA refused to comply, the member of Congress filed suit.
In December 2020, a divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit concluded that the members of Congress had standing to sue the GSA. Judge Millett wrote for the panel, joined by Judge Tatel concluding that the members had suffered an informational injury that satisfies the requirements of Article III. Senior Judge Ginsburg dissented.
The GSA sought rehearing en banc, but that petition was denied last August. Judge Rao dissented, joined by Senior Judge Ginsburg and Judges Henderson, and Walker. Senior Judge Ginsburg also authored a solo dissent. Judge Millett concurred in the denial, joined by Judge Tatel.
I suspect Judge Rao's dissent was influential in the Court's decision to grant certiorari. It begins:
Disputes between Congress and the Executive over documents have occurred since the Founding but have seldom involved the Judiciary. In concluding that individual members of Congress have standing to sue when an executive agency rejects their requests for information, the panel majority clears the way for the federal courts to referee ordinary informational disputes between the political branches. The panel's rationale has no logical stopping point and would permit standing to even a single member of Congress suing the Executive. To reach this unprecedented holding, the panel relies on a nearly 100-year-old statute that allows members to request information from executive branch agencies and finds that 5 U.S.C. § 2954 creates a personal "informational right" for members exercising their "professional" legislative duties. Maloney v. Murphy, 984 F.3d 50, 64–65 (D.C. Cir. 2020). The Members' claim in this case, however, has no historical analogue. The panel's recognition of a personal injury to legislative power clashes with the fundamental constitutional principles that limit congressional standing, upends the balance of power between Congress and the Executive, and drags courts into disputes wholly foreign to the Article III "judicial Power."
Perhaps this is a logical culmination of this court's recent decisions on congressional standing, which continue to invoke the Supreme Court's decision in Raines v. Byrd, 521 U.S. 811 (1997), while steadily moving away from its substantive foundation. By recognizing standing for members of Congress based on harms that are simultaneously personal and legislative, the panel decisively breaks with the structural constitutional limits articulated in Raines.
I would revisit the panel decision because, first, the text and structure of the Constitution, historical practice, and the Supreme Court's decisions all establish that individual members of Congress cannot bring suit to assert injuries to the legislative power. The federal courts do not superintend disputes between the political branches because such disputes are outside the traditional understanding of an Article III "Case" or "Controversy." Second, the power of members of Congress to investigate the Executive Branch stems exclusively from the legislative power. Section 2954 cannot convert that institutional legislative power into a personal "informational right" for members that is vindicable in federal court. Finally, allowing standing for members of Congress under Section 2954 not only expands the judicial power, but otherwise unbalances the Constitution's separation of powers.
The novel questions presented here are of exceptional importance, particularly because the D.C. Circuit has an effective monopoly over lawsuits between Congress and the Executive Branch. These questions should be resolved by the full court to realign our decisions with the Constitution and longstanding Supreme Court precedent.
Her opinion concludes:
By holding that Section 2954 creates an informational right that may give rise to standing for members of Congress against the Executive Branch, this court has conscripted the Judiciary in an inter-branch dispute far afield of the traditional domain of the Article III courts. For the foregoing reasons, I respectfully dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc.
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I see no significant question of constitutional law here. There is a statutory right to information. That right belongs either to the committee or to seven members of it. In this case seven members (actually more) are suing to enforce their rights. I find this case easily distinguishable from cases requiring participation by a legislative body acting as such, or both branches of a bicameral legislature.
The question is standing. Since Spokeo, and continuing through Transunion, SCOTUS has begun looking pretty skeptically at the ability of Congress to legislature "statutory right[s] to information" untethered from any concrete injury.
And there's a question about whether individual members of Congress can assert injury in their role as legislators, or whether only the whole House can.
How is this different in principle from the FOIA?
If Congress can create an FOIA enforceable in court, why can't they create a special version of it for Congress that has a different and smaller set of grounds for the agency to deny the request, and make that enforceable in court as well?
Yes, good analogy. Having skimmed Transunion, it seemed like Thomas had the better of the argument. I see two basic questions.
1. What’s so special about information ? If Congress legislates me the right to a weekly donut provided from public funds, and I can enforce that in court, why would Congress legislating me the right to a weekly statement of the government’s expenditures be different ? I may or may not be excited about the weekly statement. But then the same could be said about the donut. And it seems pretty clear that the Congresscritturs are quite keen to get the information that the law has promised them. So why would the answer be different from the donut answer ?
2. Why would it matter whether I had any pre-existing right to the donut / information, before the law is passed ? Isn’t the whole point of handing out goodies from the federal budget, precisely that the recipients don’t otherwise have a right to it ?
Overall it’s difficult to see much logic in the Transunion majority’s position, other than “I’d really like to narrow standing as much as possible so I can write even longer dissents to the three SCOTUS opinions per year I’d like to get us down to.”
Perhaps we could give SCOTUS justices a year on / year off schedule. One year lording it in DC, one year cleaning migrant hostels in Toledo, back to SCOTUS for a year, then migrant hostel in Green Bay. Get ‘em used to the idea of actual work.
I think Ducksalad’s question is well taken. What makes this different from the FOIA? If courts can enforce the FOIA for members of the general public, why can’t Congress create a special FOIA for its own members?
How can members of Congress have LESS standing vis-a-vis the Executive Branch than members of the general public?
If not, does Spokeo make the FOIA unenforceable by the courts except in unusual cases where there is an independent basis for standing besides just wanting the information?
The only reason I can think of is equal protection. If the specified congressfolk are not acting as either "the House" or "the Senate" then they are mere citizens. So if they've got this right, why haven't I ?
Surely there’s a rational basis for Congress goving its members more access to executive branch information than the average citizen.
At any the question here is standing. How can the average citizen have standing, but not members of Congress?
I want to know why they pulled our crisis center's GSA car. This was in April 1981 after Reagan came in. After that we had to use our own cars and they didn't even give us mileage.
Worth noting that the D.C. Circuit's opinion predates Transunion. The plaintiffs are going to have a tough row to hoe now that SCOTUS has expressly narrowed the concept of informational standing.
re: "litigate when they should legislate"
There is already legislation exactly on point here. What further legislation do you think is going to help?
Maybe Congress needs to establish a special standing committee to recommend impeachment proceedings against those responsible for failing to provide legally required information.
My favorite part is when the statute's age is a factor against granting standing, somehow. I'm suspicious that "historical practice," without elaboration, is also weighed against standing.