The Volokh Conspiracy
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Is the Jones Act Unconstitutional?
An argument that the wasteful law violates the Constitution's Port Preference Clause.
The Jones Act requires that cargo shipped between U.S. ports must be carried on vessels that are built, owned, crewed, and flagged in the U.S. These requirements are inefficient and lead to higher costs for domestic industry and consumers and contribute to supply-chain disruptions.
The Jones Act is not only terrible policy. It may also be unconstitutional, or so Sam Heavenrich argues in the Wall Street Journal. He writes:
The Merchant Marine Act of 1920 is special-interest politics at its worst—a destructive law that Congress can't seem to repeal. The protectionist statute, commonly known as the Jones Act, prohibits foreign vessels from transporting goods between U.S. ports. As a consequence, domestic waterborne transportation is restricted to U.S. vessels, which are more expensive to operate and tend to be considerably older and less safe than their foreign counterparts. Studies estimate that the Jones Act costs the U.S. economy more than a billion dollars annually, with noncontiguous areas such as Alaska, Hawaii and Puerto Rico bearing the brunt of its effects. Despite the cost of the law, powerful shipping and shipbuilding interests have successfully lobbied to keep it afloat.
But there may be a solution in one of the most neglected provisions of the Constitution: the Port Preference Clause.
That clause, in Article I, Section 9, prohibits Congress from giving preference "by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another." And that's exactly what the Jones Act does. Contiguous states with major ports thrive, while states with ports more remote from the mainland suffer.
This clause is not invoked all that often, and there are not too many precedents construing its scope. Nonetheless, Heavenrich argues, an originalist interpretation of the clause would cut against the Jones Act's constitutionality, as the law has the purpose and effect of advantaging some ports over others.
He concludes:
In purpose and effect, the Jones Act has carved out a market for the domestic shipping industry at the expense of citizens living in the noncontiguous U.S. But the Jones Act is more vulnerable than it appears. A constitutional challenge to the Jones Act could bring relief to those on America's geographic peripheries who, like the Port Preference Clause, have been ignored for too long.
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"That clause, in Article I, Section 9, prohibits Congress from giving preference "by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another." And that's exactly what the Jones Act does."
It does no such thing -- *any* US port has an equal opportunity to receive a foreign-flagged ship (including cruise ships), it just can't go from there to another US port -- and this is applied equally to the ports of all states.
This is why LNG is being shipped from Texas to Europe while LNG is also being shipped from Algeria to Boston -- there are no US LNG tankers and a foreign flagged tanker can't stop in both Texas *and* Boston.
"Contiguous states with major ports thrive, while states with ports more remote from the mainland suffer."
This is confusing geography with discrimination. Nothing prevents all the ships coming from China from stopping in Hawaii or Alaska -- it's just that they can't then stop at a *second* US port, and it's cheaper to ship all the way to California and then back the 3000 miles to Hawaii. A foreign-flagged ship that has stopped in a California port can't even stop in another California port.
Gasoline is usually cheapest in Louisiana -- that's not discrimination, that's geography.
You need to see the Jones Act as what it was intended -- National Defense. Passed shortly after WWI and with memories of the logistical hurdles that Hoover had encountered in first feeding occupied Belgium and then also feeding the US troops in Europe after we entered the war, it was felt that having a strong merchant marine was essential to national defense. So the Jones Act sought to protect it during peacetime so that it would be available in wartime -- and it was badly needed less than two decades later.
And even with C-5 aircraft that can carry more than the ships of years past, the importance of the Jones Act was demonstrated in the 1990 buildup to the first Gulf War.
I am not rah rah on the Jones Act like you are, but your legal arguments are well taken here.
It's the same thing as having American flagged airliners -- in a time of war, only American flagged vessels can be required to assist in the war effort, neutral flagged ones aren't so obligated.
If we had a war with China, which side do you think all the Chinese freighters would be helping?
"Passed shortly after WWI and with memories of the logistical hurdles that Hoover had encountered in first feeding occupied Belgium and then also feeding the US troops in Europe after we entered the war, it was felt that having a strong merchant marine was essential to national defense."
Hoover?
Yes, Herbert Hoover -- who headed first the Commission for Relief in Belgium (CRB) which helped feed the Belgium citizens behind German lines and subject to British blockades because this was done by the US as a neutral party -- and then as head of the US Food Administration when the US entered the war in 1917.
Woodrow Wilson exercised a lot more wartime powers than the history books usually mention, and this is where Hoover went from being a businessman to being a politician.
See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herbert_Hoover#World_War_I_and_aftermath
Economic protectionism.
Equally bad a reason as national defense.
You may be right on the law here but you are wildly wrong on the military preparedness argument. Yes, the Jones Act was intended to promote a strong merchant marine. But the evidence in the decades since is that it has been an utter failure. Our merchant marine is weaker than when the Jones Act was passed and the Jones Act itself is at least partially responsible for that decay in our merchant fleet.
Generally it is supposed to be progressives who double down when a policy fails to produce the desired outcome - save for claims of national defense, then it is conservatives.
"...the Jones Act itself is at least partially responsible for that decay in our merchant fleet."
If having a strong merchant marine is important for national security, what would be a better approach to take?
Don't some of the Scandinavian countries have strong merchant marines? Are they paying 3d world wages? What are they doing differently?
The Jones act requires not only US owned ships, but also US built and crewed as well. The national defense needs are met with US owned alone. US crewed provides graft from seagoing unions, while US built provides graft from uneconomic shipyards.
"US crewed provides graft from seagoing unions,"
Any concern that non-US crews might be reluctant to take risk on the equivalent of convoys to Murmansk or Malta?
You can argue they wouldn't - IIRC in WWII there were a fair number of non-Brit sailors on Brit merchant ships. But it seems like a legit concern.
"while US built provides graft from uneconomic shipyards."
The counterpoint is we didn't win WWII with ships we owned on 7Dec41, or with ships we purchased overseas.
In fairness, a lot of the ships we built were built at new-build shipyards by new-to-shipbuilding workers, but I'd hazard the guess that the cadre of experienced shipyard workers were pretty essential in spinning up all that new production.
In case of war, you offer hazard pay and death benefits. Maybe the cost to hire Filipino sailors in wartime would manage to climb all the way to what it takes to hire US sailors in peacetime.
And if the Jones Act were preserving such a cadre, there might be some point to the made-in-the-USA rules. Over the 2014-2021 time period, the US bounced between producing half a percent and a twentieth of a percent of all the world's ships ( https://unctadstat.unctad.org/wds/TableViewer/tableView.aspx ), ranking from the #10 to the #19 shipbuilder.
"ranking from the #10 to the #19 shipbuilder."
I certainly agree the Act isn't accomplishing its purpose. I'd like to hear proposals for enabling a robust merchant marine, because I think that's important.
Yup. When all competition was eliminated on trade between US ports our merchant marine had no reason to incur the costs of establishing and o=maontaining an efficient and functional fleet.
Some good points, but I take strong exception with your statement taht we have a "strong" merchant marine. That's a joke. Most of our fleet are archaic, inefficient, require far more crew than more modern vessels, And that does ot even get near the issue of rules/regulaions having the clear effect of raising costs of operation.
Our near useless Congress need to awaken from their slumber and petty grudge-mongering and fi this, along with quite a few other items for their agenda.
There are some ammendments Congress could enact that would bring badly needed chnage to what the Jones act does, yet without throwing the doors right off the hinges for offshore bottoms and crew.
This argument isn’t the biggest stretch to make a constitutional provision lead to a preferred policy result that I’ve ever seen.
So I guess it’s got that going for it.
And dressed in originalist drag no less!
I read the author’s student note in YLJ a couple of months ago. It’s a persuasive argument.
Another commentator here says that the Act does not *facially* prefer one port over another, so it is constitutional. But the legislative history shows that the Sen. Jones (of WA) drafted the bill with the express intent of favoring the Port of Seattle. If that is not a Port Preference statute, then I don’t know what is.
So, you don't know what that is, then?
“But the legislative history shows that the Sen. Jones (of WA) drafted the bill with the express intent of favoring the Port of Seattle. If that is not a Port Preference statute, then I don’t know what is.”
Would it still be a port preference statute if World War I hadn't occurred? The reason we are operating under a maritime law written in 1920 is that the United States lifted the restrictions on foreign ships transporting cargo between U.S. ports during WWI, and restored them after the war. Without the war, we would be operating under a law which could not possibly have been written with the intent of favoring the Port of Seattle, because it was written before the Port of Seattle even existed.
I think the law could go both ways on whether the pre-WWI act was constitutional. *That* question would turn on the extent to which disparate impact amounts to "preference." But the Jones Act poses a much easier question. The predecessor act may have incidentally preferred the Seattle Port, but the Jones Act does so intentionally. If you repeal an act for legitimate reasons and then reinstate it for discriminatory reasons, it's discrimination.
By the way, none of what I said above should be construed to mean that the Jones Act (or its predecessor) has *always* been unconstitutional. It became unconstitutional as soon as AK and HI gained statehood.
if by "the Port of Seattle" you mean the public entity functioning under that name style, you are correct. However, Seattle was thriving seaport by the mid-1800's, ships calling there to and from nearly every port on the globe. Hundreds of lumber schooners carried lumber from the Sound down to San Francisco and southern California f=tonfeed the massive building going on there. The San Francisco quake and fire razed thousands of homes, and lumber from the PNW was used to rebuild it. I have stayed in some of those post-quake houses built of the finest redwood, cedar, and Douglas fir anywhere, it all came out of Puget's Sound (Seattle) and Grey's Harbour. Almost all of that predates the "mgic" 1920 date you float out there.
The Jones Act is designed to preserve some semblance of the US Merchant Marine, in case it is needed. Let's go through a few of the reasons why it is needed.
1. " domestic waterborne transportation is restricted to U.S. vessels, which are more expensive to operate"
-That's because they're paying US rates for sailors. Unsurprisingly, it's cheaper to pay sailors the minimum wage in Panama or the Philippines, than US wages.
Now imagine there's a, oh, global worldwide pandemic, where each individual is only allowed in their native country. THEN imagine, suddenly there aren't any enough US Merchant Marine Sailors, because no one wanted to pay prevailing US wages, when they could pay a cheaper Philippine wages. What happens to those US areas that rely on seaborne transport?
Are you saying that the Jones Act is the only way to "preserve some semblance of the US Merchant Marine"? No one doubts that the Act serves some legitimate purposes; the question is whether it does so constitutionally.
And it doesn't. It causes AK and HI residents to pay exorbitant prices for necessities like milk and meat. Why have they been singled out to bear the burden of furthering our collective interest in national security?
your imaginary pandemic is a false flag. WHen that heppens foreign merchant bottoms can and do enter US ports. What they cannot do is call at San Francisco then coast up to Portland or Seattle, or stop in Hawaii then San Farncisco.
The Jones Act eliminates any pressure to modernise and inprove the US merchant fleet, OR to take steps to reduce the outrageous cost of labour and operations by the crazy and antuquated US rules, ensions, wages, etc. Face it, seamen LIVE aboard their vessels, thus most of the "all found" costs a man might have in most other industries are non-existent. WHY does such an employee need or merit the very high wages now demanded by the unions?
"That clause, in Article I, Section 9, prohibits Congress from giving preference "by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another." And that's exactly what the Jones Act does."
No, it doesn't! The act doesn't give preference to ports at all, it does what it says it does. Your interpretation of location of states and the ramifications of the act as preferences does not make it so, let alone "exactly" so.
"Contiguous states with major ports thrive, while states with ports more remote from the mainland suffer."
I would remind you that Puerto Rico is not a state, Prof. Adler.
I tend to agree on the disparate impact question, but Alaska and Hawaii exist.
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the Jones Act prohibits direct shipping between US mainland ports AND ports in US Virgin ISlands and Puerto Rico, both either territories orpossessions.Same with a fairlylarge and scattered handful of US possessions and territories in the Pacific.Hwaii used to be a territiry before statehood, and Jones prohibited vessels leaving LA and/or SF bound for Hawaii diurectly. Marshalls, Christmas, Cocos.Keeling, Bikini, Guam, American Samoa, and others I don't happen to rememver right now. I KNOW this hurts them, as the fleet of ancient rust kettles plying between these places is rapidly deteriorating, they are inefficient, and pollute like crazy. And EVERY ONE of those bottms run per US rules wages, etc. costing well above what similar foreign flag vessels WOULD charge if they legally coiuld operate on those routses. Soe local bottoms ply some of those routes, but tey incur extra expense as they must leave the Jones Act retricted port then call on a non-restricted one, often incurring longer and mor circuitous courses to enable calling at all the ports in the area.
The St Lawrence Seaway, a joint US/Canadian project in the 1950s, enabled ocean-going ships to go directly to ports in all five of the great lakes, bypassing East Coast ports like Portland & Boston.
Portland was particularly hurt as a lot of products from the Midwest, manufactured goods and grain, going to Europe was shipped to Portland by rail and then loaded aboard ship in Portland. So is the St. Lawrence Seaway unconstitutional?
As so often in discrimination cases, Americans fail to understand (or pretend they do) that there is such a thing as direct and indirect discrimination. Whether Article I(9) forbids Congress from enacting laws that indirectly discriminate in favour of some ports I don't know, but the argument doesn't strike me as crazy. Banning all ships that are smaller than Capesize/Aframax from entering US ports would also be a law that, on its face, did not (directly) give preference to any port. But it sure would benefit New York and Los Angeles over most other ports.
I don't think Americans "fail to recognize" that at all. If anything, they mistakenly think that disparate impact is a form of discrimination.
Well, "disparate impact" can be the desired goal of a facially neutral statute, and hence may indeed be a form of discrimination. Many voter ID laws are designedly like that.
The thing is, disparate impact is the natural consequence of NOT discriminating, in cases where the underlying facts happen to correlate with the variable at issue. So declaring disparate impact to BE discrimination is a way to use nominally forbidding discrimination to, instead, compel discrimination.
Exactly. There is natural disparate impact on literally any action taken by government (or any actor sufficiently large, really).
QED
show me ONE Voter ID law that WAS designed toprevent certain classes of people from voting.
Nearly wveryone supposedly "shut out" of voting by the laws you cite have cell phones, driving licenses bank accounts, SOcial Security cards, rent houses/apartments (try renting any place to live above dog0house grade without SOME valid state issued photo ID. Landlords arent stupid.. and thoser renters never have any problem showing whata is requried. But somehow when it comes to voting, of a sudden "discriminato=ion" stops by for a visit. Lies such as this one cntribute to the election fraud we are now enduring.
Exactly. Well said.
Disagreeing with something is not the same thing as a failure to understand, let alone pretending to not understand something. We're not talking mathematics or logic here, where there's definitively one answer, and if you think the answer is something else you're just wrong, period.
What's going on here is a disagreement between whether to use a narrow or an expansive definition of "discriminate".
But the text says preference. Weaker standard, I would think. In any case, the Act is discriminatory as well, both in intention and impact.
What's a "port" in the first place? It certainly doesn't seem to apply to any place on the water with a wharf or dock, which means you're already discriminating against some of those places in favor of others just by the basis of your definition (inland ports ignored).
One can justify that preference in favor of more significant locations easily in terms of practicality. But then you've obligated yourself to show that the Jones Act is not merely a preference, but that it's a forbidden one. And that part of the argument seems to be missing.
The Coast Guard maintains minimum standards for ships to enter ports that ensure there is adequate depth and clearance for safety reasons. A basic consequence is that larger ships are prohibited in smaller ports.
These rules and standards also have different consequences for different ports. Are they unconstitutional? If a port thinks the Coast Guard is applying a wider safety margin than is actually necessary, can it simply go to the courts and have the rules struck down as not narrowly tailored?
The best that can be said of the constitutional argument is that it borders on the frivolous. The law is the same for every port in the US . The fact that it has different consequences for the different states is a merely a result of an obvious fact of geography, the fact that location has economic effects. One might as well argue that all environmental laws are unconstitutional because pollution and its consequences vary across the country. Or all taxes are unconstitutional because it’s harder for the poor to pay them than the rich, therefore they are unequal. Or any law at all. All laws have somewhat unequal effects. Courts have been there, done that on this issue many times.
Bringing up an argument this stale and this routinely denied just because there is a context where it hasn’t been used before is a bit like claiming qualified immunity because no court ever said you can’t shoot a driver at a routine traffic stop on a Tuesday. This is a tax protester level of argument. It’s a gold-fringe-on-the-flag sort of argument.
The difference between ports and all your other examples is that discrimination between ports is explicitly forbidden in the Constitution, while the others are subject to the equal protection clause at best.
The term is not “discrimination.” The term is “preference.”
The far broader equal protection clause prohibits unequal protection between persons, while this much narrower clause in Article I, Section 9 only prohibits explicit preferences between parts. Unequal treatment is far broader than preference.
The findamental problem with the argument is that “preference” implies explicit choice and has no concept of disparate impact at all. It’s entirely a (mostly losing) Equal Protection argument. Nothing in the Jones Act prefers any port over any other. The entire claim is based on disparate impact.
Also, Sec 9 refers to preferences to States, not individual ports.
I am a licensed customs broker and I also do work with the Department of Defense on logistics issues. Some people have referenced the national defense aspects. I would like to elaborate to show why the Jones Act is demonstrably critical to our national defense.
At the start of WWI foreign vessels were no longer available to US trade. This created an immediate and severe economic crisis. An act was passed in 1917 to address these problems. In 1920, based on the lessons learned in the war it was amended. This is the Jones act.
The Jones act is very large and only a tiny part of it refers to what the author is against.
This legislation has been critical to our ability to wage war numerous times. What’s more, it is critical to deter enemies. War has been prevented by deterrence and the Jones Act is a part of that. Imagine if China used its economic and military clout to keep foreign nations from allowing us to move forces to Guam or weapons to Taiwan.
Beyond that we have maintained a ship production and mariner capability. Nations that haven’t, such as the UK, are utterly dependent on us in war.
Like everything, actions have trade offs. But the costs (which are minuscule) are probably well worth it.
How much cargo is actually shipped from one US port to another? I am thinking that the amount is negligible, with just about everything being shipped via truck or rail once it arrives in the US.
Port to port shipping in the same country is called coastwise traffic. It is a titanic amount. For example, iron ore from Minnesota to Cleveland. Distilled fuels from Louisiana to the northeast. Grain to New Orleans for further shipment. It’s a massive figure.
And don’t forget passengers. The Staten Island ferries are an example.
Cargo efficiencies go by the rule of 10’s. A cargo ship is 10x more efficient than a train which is 10x more efficient than a truck.
Traffic between ports in the same country is called coast wise traffic. In the USA it is a titanic amount. Ores from Minnesota to Cleveland. Grain from the heartland to New Orleans for further shipment. Gas from Louisiana to the northeast. It’s huge.
Transport by motor vessel is 10 times more efficient than by rail. And rail is 10 times more efficient than by truck.
Sorry if this duplicates. I’m having some connectivity issues.
Thanks for your comments. More interesting than some shill in the WSJ or a law professor condemning something as "inefficient."
It looks like this has been discussed, but the law doesn’t give a preference to the ports of certain states. Only to vessels that are domestically owned and operated.
Aside from that, the long and well established history of such policies will surely be relevant to the Constitutional issue. England passed many Navigation Acts that did the same thing, in 1651 and many other years.
Relatedly, on the topic of the Navigation Acts, it looks like some people are even trying to recruit Adam Smith to lobby for the Jones Act from his comments on the old English laws: “There seem, however, to be two cases, in which it will generally be advantageous to lay some burden upon foreign, for the encouragement of domestic industry. … The first is, when some particular sort of industry is necessary for the defense of the country. The defense of Great Britain, for example, depends very much upon the number of its sailors and shipping. The act of navigation, therefore, very properly endeavors to give the sailors and shipping of Great Britain the monopoly of the trade of their own country, in some cases, by absolute prohibitions, and in others, by heavy burdens upon the shipping of foreign countries. … As defense, however, is of much more importance than opulence, the act of navigation is, perhaps, the wisest of all the commercial regulations of England.”
Notwithstanding Adam Smith, I have no problem believing, in principle, that the Jones Act of today is totally useless, terrible policy.
“But people have to pay 15 cents more for their widget!” is not a convincing argument, though. Adler says, “These requirements are inefficient and lead to higher costs for domestic industry and consumers.” From the piece Adler quotes: “U.S. vessels, which are more expensive to operate and tend to be considerably older and less safe than their foreign counterparts.” Why are US vessels more expensive to operate, older and less safe? Presumably the US could do whatever other countries’ vessels can do – if they don’t have labor, environmental and other regulations putting them on an uneven playing field. Is the solution just to not even have US shipping industry? That doesn’t seem too smart.
In fairness I didn’t read the whole WSJ article because it is behind a paywall. However, the “more expensive older and less safe” comment is absurd. Again, perhaps there was additional context. But, compared to which “foreign counterpart”? I can assure you that the safety age and cost effectiveness of US flagged vessels is a lot better than say North Korean flagged ones. And plenty of other countries as well. And what about other costs.
Adler says the law is inefficient and costly. I would ask, compared to what?
Losing a war is a pretty big cost. Being blackmailed by having your internal trade frozen is a big cost. Losing the tens of thousands of industry related jobs seems like a large cost.
Mr. Adler doesn’t mention the many times in war and peace that the Jones act has saved our bacon. It happens, as a previous commenter wrote, with regularity. The lesson has been learned multiple times for over 100 years. Congress has the authority to regulate industry. And this law is not only constitutional but extremely efficient and cost saving.
"I would ask, compared to what?"
Given your expertise, can you suggest more efficient ways? For example, for airplanes instead of a Jones Act we have the CRAF.
I also thought there was a program where the gov would make sweetheart loans for aircraft, with the proviso they could commandeer them if needed (with compensation?), but I can't find any documentation for that.
In any event, I'd love to hear ideas for doing it better, because the Jones Act really doesn't seem to be generating a robust US merchant marine.
The govt can do something called STUFT or Ships Taken Up From Trade. You can look up the ship Atlantic Conveyor from the Falklands War for an example.
And you are correct about that deal for aircraft. It’s actually a program where airlines get preferential treatment for peacetime bids in return for being ready for war.
I think there is some confusion. While a robust US merchant marine is certainly a goal it is not the only one. Shipbuilding capacity (industrial loading), skilled mariners and self sufficiency are all important objectives. There are minimal requirements needed for war contingency plans and we are meeting them if just barely.
I hope that helps.
There is a problem with this act. It is wrong and outdated. It may have been intended to be helpful when it was made a law, but its intent doesn't matter. What has happened is that it is costing more money than it is worth. It has caused there to be fewer jobs in the maritime industry. It is keeping shipping costs high, whether it be shipping by water, truck, or air. Just the logic [or lack of logic] of it shows that it needs to be repealed by Congress.