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The Good and Bad of the Fifth Circuit's Abortion Pill Ruling
The appeals court's unpublished order avoids some of the district court's errors, but still has some significant problems, especially with regard to standing.
Yesterday the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit issued an unpublished order in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. Food and Drug Administration, partially staying last week's district court order effectively suspending the FDA's approval of mifepristone, a widely used abortion medication. The 42-page order was considered and produced on an extremely tight schedule, and managed to correct some of the more egregious errors in the lower court's decision. But the Fifth Circuit panel's decision still has some problems, some of which I highlight below.
The stay requests were filed by the FDA and Danco Laboratories, a manufacturer of mifepristone. The panel considering the stay applications consisted of Judges Oldham, Engelhardt, and Haynes. The unsigned per curiam order granted a stay pending appeal covering parts of the district court's order. Basically, the panel stayed those portions of the order suspending the FDA's 2000 approval of mifepristone, but not those concerning actions taken by FDA concerning mifepristone in 2016 or later. Judge Haynes concurred only in part, as she would have granted an administrative stay of the lower court ruling in its entirety, and deferred consideration of the stay pending appeal to the merits panel ultimately assigned the case. (Note that, contrary to some reports, this does not mean that Judge Haynes disagreed with her colleagues on any points. It could instead merely indicate that she did not want to resolve some of these questions on an expedited basis.)
As for the substance of the opinion, there are some good things about the Fifth Circuit's order, particularly when compared to the work of the district court. For starters, the Fifth Circuit recognized that AHM's challenges to the FDA's 2000 approval of mifepristone are barred by the applicable statute of limitations, even when one considers the reopening doctrine. The panel also did not buy the creative equitable tolling argument advanced by the district court. It further rejected AHM's too-clever argument that the FDA's appeal should be dismissed because the district court's stay was insufficient to grant the Fifth Circuit interlocutory appellate jurisdiction. This argument was quickly and correctly dispatched in a brief footnote.
While the Fifth Circuit's order was an improvement over that of the district court, it still had some problems, most notably with standing. The standing arguments adopted by the panel were more narrow and focused than those put forward by the district court, but they still misapplied precedent and would throw open the door to expansive standing arguments. I addressed my concerns about the plaintiffs' standing in my prior posts on this litigation. I will not reiterate those points. Adam Unikowsky has also surveyed some of the problems with the Fifth Circuit's standing analysis in a post highlighted by Orin below. If anything, he understates the case.
Article III standing requires, among other things, that plaintiffs have suffered an injury-in-fact that is both "concrete and particularized" and "actual or imminent." Speculative injuries or those based on a mere probability of future harm are insufficient. As the Supreme Court explained in Clapper v. Amnesty International USA, a "threatened injury must be certainly impending to constitute injury in fact, and that allegations of possible future injury are not sufficient."
Here the plaintiffs argue that some of their member doctors suffer an injury because they have to provide medical care to women who suffer complications from mifepristone. Assuming that this constitutes an injury (a contestable assumption), the plaintiffs have a problem of identifying that this injury is actually going to happen to them as a result of the government's action.
The Fifth Circuit panel seeks to overcome this hurdle by arguing that plaintiffs "are statistically certain" to suffer their alleged injury of having to provide emergency room care to women suffering complications from mifepristone. But to make this argument, the panel has to sidestep existing doctrine and play a bit of sleight of hand with the relevant allegations and claims.
For starters, the claim that an organization can claim standing because there is a strong statistical probability that some of its members will suffer an injury from a government action has been expressly considered and rejected by the Supreme Court in prior cases, most notably Summers v. Earth Island Institute in 2009. There the environmental plaintiffs had sought to argue that it was virtually certain that some among their hundreds of thousands of members would be harmed by the U.S. Forest Service's failure to allow for public comment on a salvage timber sale. Four justices found this to be sufficient for standing; five did not.
Writing for the Court in Summers, Justice Scalia explained that even accepting the probability that "some (unidentified) members have planned to visit some (unidentified) small parcels affected by the Forest Service's procedures and will suffer (unidentified) concrete harm as a result," that was not enough to satisfy the requirements of Article III. Such an approach to standing would, Justice Scalia explained, "make a mockery of our prior cases, which have required plaintiff-organizations to make specific allegations establishing that at least one identified member had suffered or would suffer harm."
The Fifth Circuit does not even mention Summers, but does try to suggest that there is standing here because the injuries are not merely probabilistic, but "statistically certain." Alas, this claim does not hold up to scrutiny, as it is based on a bit of sleight of hand.
The panel tries to argue that an injury to one of the plaintiffs is certain because there are so many women that have taken mifepristone, and complications are so common, that it is inconceivable that some of AHM's members will not be called upon to provide emergency room care. The panel stacks the deck though in the way it presents the numbers, however. For instance, it notes that five million women have taken the drug since 2000. Based on the FDA's acknowledgement that in two-to-seven percent of cases will involve potential complications from the drug not fully working, this means there have been between 100,000 to 350,000 cases in which women have needed additional treatment. But note that these numbers are for a twenty-plus-year period. On an annual basis, this represents 5,000 to 17,000 cases. Even making the demonstrably false assumption that all of these cases require a visit to one of the thousands of emergency rooms in the United States, it is far from a "statistical certainty" that one of the plaintiff doctors will handle one of these cases, as these cases represent a tiny fraction of the over 130 million emergency department visits each year.
There is an even deeper problem with the panel's analysis, however. It is well established that standing is not dispensed in gross. As the Supreme Court has repeatedly reaffirmed, a plaintiff "must demonstrate standing for each claim he seeks to press and for each form of relief that is sought." Standing to challenge one agency action does not necessarily establish standing to challenge another. More specifically, even if the plaintiffs can establish that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from one FDA action (such as the 2000 approval of mifepristone) that does not mean that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from another FDA action (such as the 2016 or later revisions to the rules governing mifepristone).
This aspect of standing matters in AHM v. FDA because, as the panel correctly concluded, the plaintiffs' claims against the FDA's 2000 approval of mifepristone are barred by the statute of limitations. All that's on the table are the later actions -- those in 2016 or later -- which merely altered the restrictions placed upon the distribution and administration of mifepristone. And in order to demonstrate standing, the plaintiffs needed to show that they will suffer an actual or imminent injury from these later actions. Yet this is not the analysis the Fifth Circuit panel conducted.
Rather than consider whether the plaintiffs could demonstrate even a reasonable likelihood that the FDA's changes to rules governing mifepristone would cause an injury-in-fact, the Fifth Circuit instead focuses on alleged injuries attributable to the approval of mifepristone. This is the wrong inquiry. In order to challenge the 2016 and later regulatory revisions, the plaintiffs need to show an actual or imminent injury that is fairly traceable to these specific actions -- the FDA's loosening of the restrictions on mifepristone -- which necessarily only represent a fraction of all the mifepristone-related complications requiring emergency care relied upon in the Fifth Circuit's opinion.
This is fatal to the Fifth Circuit's analysis, as there is nothing in the pleadings to support the claim that it is even reasonably likely, let alone "statistically certain," that one of the plaintiffs will be forced to provide care as a consequence of the FDA's 2016 and later modifications to the rules governing mifepristone. Put another way, even accepting that "emergency room care is statistically certain in hundreds of thousands of cases" resulting from the use of mifepristone (over a span of decades), this does nothing to establish the likelihood of such consequences from the FDA actions the plaintiffs are actually able to challenge.
The panel also concluded that the plaintiff associations "have also suffered independent injuries because FDA's actions have frustrated their organizational efforts to educate their members and the public on the effects of mifepristone." This conclusion, relying upon an expansive interpretation of the Supreme Court's decision in Havens Realty Corp. v. Coleman, effectively concludes that any time a government agency takes an action contrary to the mission of a public interest group, that group suffers an Article III injury. Such a conclusion is inconsistent with core principles of Article III standing, would blow open the doors for interest-group standing, and is not supported, let alone compelled, by Havens Realty.
This Havens-based standing theory is quite similar to that pushed by CREW in its emoulments clause litigation against Donald Trump, and suffers some of the same flaws. In Havens Realty, the Supreme Court held that a local non-profit, Housing Opportunities Made Equal (HOME), had standing to challenge violations of the Fair Housing Act because such violations frustrated HOME's purpose. Specifically, HOME operated counseling and referral services to help individuals find homes and advance the cause of increasing housing opportunity, and argued that unlawful housing discrimination made it more difficult and costly to perform those functions. This is distinguishable from the injuries alleged by AHM.
Whereas HOME had to spend more resources because unlawful discrimination made it more difficult to find homes for those it served, the Fifth Circuit panel claims AHM has standing because it has "expended time energy and resources" to collect information on mifepristone "to the detriment of other advocacy and educational efforts." Whereas HOME could allege "concrete and demonstrable" injuries to its core activities that were "far more than simply a setback to the organization's abstract social interests," AHM has not.
It is also worth noting that Havens Realty concerned a statute with provisions expressly authorizing private suits to enforce its requirements. With this provision, Congress made clear it wanted to do as much as possible to facilitate more stringent enforcement of the FHA's terms through private litigation, a point Justice Brennan stressed in his opinion for the court. AHM relies upon no comparable provision creating a cause of action under the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act.
The standing analysis is not the only problem with the panel's opinion, but it strikes me as the most serious, as it is a threshold, jurisdictional issue. Without standing, there is no basis for the court to consider the remaining claims.
As for other issues reached by the panel, I am concerned it misapplied the arbitrary-and-capricious standard under the Administrative Procedure Act. Under MVMA v. State Farm, an agency action is arbitrary and capricious if an agency fails to consider the "relevant factors" or "an important aspect of the problem." The panel interprets this to mean that an agency cannot base a regulatory change on studies that examine the effects of the regulatory status quo, and must instead rely upon studies of the effects of changes that have not yet been made. That is simply not how the relevant analysis works.
Contrary to the panel's suggestion, there is nothing wrong with an agency basing a decision to modify or eliminate regulatory requirements upon studies of the status quo. What matters is whether the agency's analysis addresses and accounts for that aspect of the relevant studies (and this is precisely what State Farm holds). Put another way, the requirement of reasoned decisionmaking focuses more on the analyses and rationales offered by the agency, including how the agency assessed and evaluated available data and its implications for various policy options, than on what data was available. Indeed were it otherwise, agencies would be effectively precluded from relying upon empirical studies of actual conditions when making decisions to alter existing rules and might be precluded from making meaningful regulatory changes altogether.
This does not mean that the FDA's rationale for revising the rules governing mifepristone were adequate under the APA. On that question, I have no opinion. My point is rather that the standard the Fifth Circuit applied is not that which is required by current law, nor one that can be derived from general principles of agency decision-making.
It is certainly possible that the FDA made errors in judgment or failed to engage in reasoned decisionmaking when approving and setting policies concerning mifepristone in 2000, 2016 or later. It also may well be the case that distributing mifepristone through the mail is prohibited by the Comstock Act. But before a court can consider such claims, there needs to be a plaintiff who can satisfy the requirements of Article III standing.
The Department of Justice has announced it will seek further relief from the Supreme Court, so there is at least one more opportunity for the federal courts to get the jurisdictional questions in this case right.
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“It also may well be the case that distributing mifepristone through the mail is prohibited by the Comstock Act.”
Not just the mail (18 U.S. Code § 1461), but private carriers who ship interstate (18 U.S. Code § 1462).
I would think that if a state’s own laws would be undermined by violations of these federal laws, that state would have standinng to sue (in the Supreme Court, IMHO) any agency which purports to legalize what the statute forbids.
These laws may have been passed at the urging of the boogeyman himself (i. e., Anthony Comstock), but they were adopted by Congress. AFAIK, there's nothing in these laws or in other laws to say the FDA could legalize the shipment of abortifacients.
At I understand it, the FDA allowed the shipment of this drug at a time when Roe was considered the law. Now that it's not, a key premist of the FDA's action is gone.
Is there some loophole here? Because it would be up to the FDA to find one.
Adrian Vermeule and Conor Casey did an article on this, but it's paywalled.
EXACTLY!!!
Right or wrong, Dobbs said that a state has the ability to restrict or preclude the practice of abortion within its territorial boundaries.
So if you believe in the concept of a rule of law, that means that a state that doesn't want abortion doesn't have to have it, and that those MDs practicing in that state have the reasonable expectation that they won't have to be dealing with abortions.
Rule of law means that a state's legitimate ban on abortion can not be subverted by mailing abortion pills into the state, and standing in such circumstances should be irrelevant because a Texas MD should have the right to expect that Texas law not be subverted.
Yet one more shot fired in the right wing jihad being conducted against women's reproductive freedom. Can anyone say with a straight face that this judge would have written tortuous and specious legal opinion would have been had the subject been ED drugs?
It isn't 1873 anymore.
Mifepristone is safe: https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/mifepristone-is-safe-a-court-ruling-reducing-access-to-it-is-dangerous/
This judge is not.
"It isn’t 1873 anymore."
It isn't even *1973.*
"Mifepristone is safe"
If it were safe for human beings, this drug wouldn't be promoted so zealously.
Women aren't human beings?
“If it were safe for human beings, this drug wouldn’t be promoted so zealously.”
I copied what you wrote in the hopes that you read it and become as confused by it as I am. Who is “zealously” promoting mifepristone? And the reason they’re so zealously promoting it is because it’s unsafe for humans?
In GenBioPro v. West Virginia, a manhfacturer of mifepristone is suing a state, claiming federal law overrides the state’s abortion restrictions. West Virginia says the Major Questions Doctrine precludes the FDA from overriding state abortion law by administrative decision-making absent a specific grant of statutory authority, and cites the Comstock Act as evidence there is no general Congressional policy favoring unrestricted commerce in abortifacients.
The parties here have clear standing. The issues are narrower. West Virginia is not challenging the approval itself, just the claim it overrides state law, and if anything federal policy favors restrictions.
What do the Conspirators think of the merits of this case?
I don’t know if you want comments from the commenters, but…this isn’t the best case.
The Comstock Act isn’t restricted to particular states. You can’t even deliver abortifacients to *New York* via the mail (or FedEx if it crosses state lines), still less to West Virginia.
Is there some other statute allowing the FDA to introduce abortifacients into the U. S. mail, or legalize FedEx shipments of abortifacients? If not, then the Comstock Act should cover all states.
I think at the time the FDA made its decisions, it was reasonable to assume Roe had made the Comstock Act a dead letter. So APA challenges to the FDA’s decisions at the time are likely going to fail.
A legal decision on whether Dobbs ressurrected the Comstock Act or not is going to have to wait for a case with clear standing. The West Virginia case might be such a case. A judge might for example hold that the Comstock Act is good law and then use that as the basis for ruling that there is no federal policy overriding state abortion restrictions. Or a judge might hold it isn’t good law, Roe wiped the slate clean, and if Congress wants abortion restrictions after Dobbs it will need to enact them.
I don’t see that private parties (or states) can get federal courts to order an administration to enforce a criminal law it doesn’t want to enforce. The only recourse is political, for voters to vote the administration out of office or for Congress to step in. But the existence of such laws (if they are still valid laws) has various collateral consequences that can be addressed in litigation.
"...Roe wiped the slate clean, ..."
Did it, or did it just return to the status quo that existed before Roe?
"I don’t see that private parties (or states) can get federal courts to order an administration to enforce a criminal law it doesn’t want to enforce."
I was thinking of getting a ruling against the FDA that it can't legalize what the Comstock law forbids. I was thinking of states going to court to complain that their prolife laws were being undermined by the FDA's illegal policy.
As for ordering a criminal prosecution, that would not be needed; striking down the FDA decision would mean the Constock Act can be enforced again. But not court-ordered prosecutions.
Why would any FDA decision have to be struck down (let alone struck down by the standards of the APA) before the Comstock Act could be enforced? All the FDA addresses, at most, is what does and doesn’t violate the FD&C Act.
They aren’t charged with enforcing or interpreting the Comstock Act. That’s the Justice Department’s business. And it was the Justice Department, not the FDA, that came out with an opinion that the Act is all but unenforcable. Nothing to do with the FDA. Here’s the Justice Department’s opinion:
https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1560596/download
Already linked it.
The 5th Circuit at least found the Comstock Act relevant to the plantiff's right to sue. So there's at least that.
You keep waving this argument around like a magic talisman.
Even assuming you're correct (you're not), "can't deliver mifepristone via mail" is not the same thing as "can't deliver mifepristone".
And if mifepristone can be delivered (even if it's a more expensive or complicated delivery), the Comstock argument is not relevant. At all. Zero, zilch, zip relevance to the FDA's decision. And thus not a legit basis for either the TX court or the 5th Cir.
The 5th Circuit explained the relevance on pp. 40-42,
https://www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pub/23/23-10362-CV0.pdf
It at least affects the drug guys on their ability to go to court.
The people screaming that abortion is a human right would have more credibility if they weren't trying to seize every gun out there.
But that is a "so what?" argument. How does it affect the legalities here?
Not to mention, there's significant disagreement that gun ownership actually consists of a human right.
On the other hand, I think the most ardent pro-lifer must concede that being forced to continue a pregnancy does impose a very significant burden on the mother.
Oh poor baby, she has to give up boozing at clubs and smoking weed for 9 months!
Certainly gun ownership is more of a human right than busting in another dude’s butthole.
"Not to mention, there’s significant disagreement that gun ownership actually consists of a human right."
If by "significant disagreement" you mean that some fanatics simply ignore the text of the Bill of Rights, sure. Tautologically, any position that so much as one person disagrees with is "controversial"; Somebody controverted it, after all!
Huh?
We are talking about human rights, what does that have to do with the US Constitution?
My guess is the USSC upholds the 5th Circuit’s version. I suspect they have five votes to support the new standing rules. And if all that plays out I expect them to sign onto the new standing regime while attempting a classic “this precedential ruling does not establish precedent” maneuver. Just in case.
I am more sanguine than you. Even this SC is not so far gone that it would support such an obviously incorrect ruling. My guess is that we'll see SC purely address standing - because that way they can leave the door open for a later plaintiff who has a better argument on standing. I don't see this as unanimous, though, I predict that Alito and possibly Gorsuch dissent.
I can see that as possible. Perhaps moreso even. And I can see Roberts sticking to Summers on the point of standing, even if solely to “preserve the court’s legitimacy.” The other five though…? I guess based on rulings perhaps Gorsuch or Barrett (slightly less maybe) are sorta wildcards?
The standing arguments are so terrible here that I'd presume that at least Roberts and Barrett would vote against the current holding, and a reasonable probability of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh as well. Alito is, of course a complete partisan hack, and Thomas will do whatever he wants.
This isn't like SB 8 where the law was cleverly constructed to give right-wing judges an out to let them keep an obviously unconstitutional law in place. It's a completely laughable decision with a theory of standing that would open the courthouse doors to any law or regulation that might ever result some theoretical person to be injured and cause them to have to go some theoretical hospital. There's no limiting principle at all, and I don't think this Court is that interested in a complete re-write of standing principles.
Since the Fifth Circuit's semi-stay of the district court's stay seems deliberately calculated to allow states to effectively ban mifepristone - i.e., without a mail option that would be hard to monitor - while allowing other states to permit mifepristone to be provided in person, I fully expect the Supreme Court to hold likewise.
When the case winds its way back up to be heard on the merits, perhaps they'll look at the standing arguments and conclude that it goes too far. In the meantime, they'll create space for other cases challenging the mail distribution of abortion drugs under the Comstock Act to percolate, which will enable them to impose their preferred national abortion policy more directly.
That's pretty much what they did with the SB8 litigation. They recognized that they couldn't just let the review-evading scheme go. But by the time they would ever conclusively address the issue, Dobbs was decided, so the question was rendered moot.
It's just how we do law these days, I guess.
The standing rules allowed in this case seem overly broad and really could open the door to a lot of litigation. Is abortion so important that SCOTUS would allow a massive opening for litigation? If all you have to show that an ER doctor would get more work, what could you file lawsuits for gun, car, bike, food, ect. Where is the limit?
The local QuickiMart sells overly large sodas for a buck, this leads to obesity, that leads to more heart disease and more work for ER doctors. So, you can sue QuickiMart.
It certainly would though I think the firearm argument is overblown. 2A is a big shield to hide behind to fight off any attacks on gun rights. But wrt to our non-2A related regulatory schemes the door would be blown open, removed from its hinges, lit on fire, and the ashes transported out of the country. Progressive groups would take advantage. But I think their cases would be buried beneath the load of filings from the MAGA side of life. Regardless, courts would be swamped with regulatory challenges.
Come to think of it, just how rigorous was the FDA in approving Viagra…?
"My guess is the USSC upholds the 5th Circuit’s version. I suspect they have five votes to support the new standing rules. And if all that plays out I expect them to sign onto the new standing regime while attempting a classic 'this precedential ruling does not establish precedent' maneuver. Just in case."
I don't know. While prediction here may be a fool's errand, SCOTUS should be reluctant to revamp standing rules without full briefing and argument. A stay of the district court's order pending appeal would kick the can down the road until after the next election.
This is the money quote for why the S.Ct. is more likely to grant a stay than not (IMHO). The conservatives get a big benefit out of it, too.
I don't see how the SCOUTUS could uphold the crazypants version of standing espoused by the district and circuit court panel. What the can do (and might well do) is deny cert so that the status quo remains without establishing new precedent at the SCOTUS level. They get the result they want without overturning decades of established precedent.
The flaw in this is that it only requires four votes to grant cert. Is the "conservative" wing of the court sufficiently cohesive to get six to deny cert?
The Solicitor General has asked Alito for an administrative stay. I can't link it here; search for 22A902 on the Supreme Court's web site. Alito has until 1 PM to read the 164 page application, otherwise the District Court order as limited by the Fifth Circuit will go into effect.
The application notes that the District Court in Washington has ordered the government to obey its injunction notwithstanding the Texas case. The government is not asking the Supreme Court to review that decision so any conflict is partially of the government’s own making.
There are two rulings in conflict, Texas and Washington. The government is appealing one of them (the one that conflicts with the government’s position). But because they’re only appealing Texas (the one that conflicts with their position) the existence of two rulings is partly the government’s fault? So the feds should appeal to overturn both Texas and Washington so as to keep them in conflict but with the sides switched? This is your thinking?
And bam, Alito has issued a short administrative stay for more briefing.
I don’t understand the standing argument at all. Doctors provide services for money. It is their business. The complications are generating business for them. It’s not injuring them, it is helping them get more business.
What is the injury they are suing over? Making greater income?
What is even worse is that drugs are not available over the counter due to the potential to cause harm. Many if not most drugs are more likely to cause complications that this drug. Are we going to ban 90% of all approved drugs because they cause some issues to the patients taking them? It makes no sense at all.
For another view:
https://thefederalist.com/2023/04/14/why-the-latest-abortion-pill-ruling-is-both-good-and-bad-for-pro-lifers/
That article just summarizes the decision, no? I don't see any new analysis in it.
Even if the challenge to the 2016 action isn' t barred by a statute of limitations, isn't it possible that it might be barred by laches? See Independent Bankers Ass'n of America v. Heimann, 201 U.S. App. D.C. 27, 627 F.2d 486 (1980) (applying laches to bar challenge to an agency's regulatory approval of certain actions by non-parties that injured plaintiffs).
There is a difference between shipping it in compliance with state laws to licensed physicians who will be held accountable for using it for the legal purposes for which it is intended -- and mailing it to anyone who wants it.
I think you will find the same thing is true of explosives -- licensed explosive technicians with legitimate need can have explosives shipped to them, and you can't.
A primary purpose of the drug is now illegal. If formally petitioned to do so the FDA should be required to reconsider its approval and either prohibit marketing for abortion or explain why the Comstock Act doesn't matter.
According to state media the FDA has recently been given statutory authority to prohibit off-label uses of medical devices. There is some argument about whether the FDA can extend this authority to prohibit off-label use of drugs. Obviously the Biden administration won't prohibit use of abortion pills. The DeSantis administration might.
The states can't regulate the post office, and Congress prohibits the carrying of abortion drugs by the Post Office.
The states can't overrule federal regulation of interstate commerce, and Congress prohibits the interstate shipment of abortion drugs.
The Congressional bans were unenforceable so long as Roe was around, but now that Roe has been overruled the Congressional bans are back in place.
And slaves are the same as horses, not human beings...
Someone needs to read the pro-slavery literature.
A primary purpose of the drug is now illegal.
Under no interpretation is the drug illegal.
If formally petitioned to do so the FDA should be required to reconsider its approval and either prohibit marketing for abortion or explain why the Comstock Act doesn’t matter.
IF the Comstock Act is still valid all it means is that abortion pills can't be shipped through the mail. If does nothing to affect their approval (or their marketing, except via mail).
I think it would require lots of fancy legal footwork to say that the FDA can approve a drug which, under federal law, cannot be sent through the mail or shipped across state lines.
Can you think of *another* example where the FDA approved a drug which it was illegal to ship interstate or to send through the mail?
I can think of an obvious example: birth control pills (FDA approval 1960) were covered by the Comstock Act, until Griswold (1965). Congress only removed the restriction against “every article or thing designed, adapted, or intended for preventing conception” from the statute in 1971.
Like mifeprestone, birth control pills had uses arguably covered by the Comstock Act (“oh noes, women might enjoy sex! where’s my fainting couch?”) and non-covered uses (“I’m prescribing this to an abstinent nun, because she has wildly irregular periods”). Thus the whole line of precedent saying the post office can’t assume that a use is illegal, which developed in part from the shipment of condoms (“birth control bad” versus “disease prevention acceptable, let’s issue them to GIs in WWII”).
And hence the simple, simple logic that continues to evade outcome-oriented people:
There are non-abortion uses for mifepristone - Cushing's syndrome (FDA approved, even), and off-label for miscarriage management. These are not really even up for debate.
Under literally a century+ of decisions and interpretation of the Comstock Law, intent matters. Condoms for birth control bad, condoms for disease prevention acceptable.
It is not and cannot be categorically illegal to send mifeprestone through mail or common carrier, without (at minimum) more information about the intended and actual use of the drug. Hurt feelings of "oh noes abortions bad!" is not an applicable legal standard.
Thus, the Comstock Law does not provide an independent basis to overturn the FDA's administrative decision to approve the drug for a purpose that is arguably covered by the law.
What part of that do you dispute?
I think it would require lots of fancy legal footwork to say that the FDA can approve a drug which, under federal law, cannot be sent through the mail or shipped across state lines.
Just to be clear it can't be sent through post, it can cross state lines.
Can you think of *another* example where the FDA approved a drug which it was illegal to ship interstate or to send through the mail?
No though I've never had reason to check, either way that's hardly meaningful either way.
There's absolutely no reason why being allowed to send a drug via post should bear on whether the FDA can approve it, or whether they should be forced to retroactively rescind the approval.
Good example, so let’s look some more.
The lower courts watered down the Comstock Act’s provisions regarding contraception before Griswold was decided. The Post Office policy became to allow distribution of contraceptives for broadly-defined medical uses.
Then in 1971 Congress repealed most of the Comstock Act’s contraception provisions.
I have the Garland Justice Department to thank for educating me on these points.
https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1560596/download
The Justice Department opinion went on to say that, because of the pre-repeal watering down of the contraceptive provisions, the still-extant abortion provision of the Comstock Act should likewise be watered down. They also found an opinion or two, and some dicta, that there could be medical exemptions to the abortion provision.
But this is a new area – Roe came so soon after the repeal of the contraceptive provisions, and the abortion provisions were only reinstated after Dobbs, so we have yet to develop a jurisprudence about using the abortion provisions independent of the now-repealed contraceptive provisions.
Without the Comstock Act applying to “merely” contraceptive devices, we no longer have to follow liberal interpretations to let contraceptives go through the mail.
And we face a situation where abortion is considered largely a medical procedure, so a medical exception would swallow up the ban, which is of course the point of the Justice Department opinion.
The newly-revived ban on shipping abortifacients would be de facto repealed if a medical exception were adopted, or if (as the DoJ also says) the law could presume that any given shipment of abortifacients is OK because it’s not proven to have an illegal purpose (an implied, i. e., unwritten exception which the DoJ says exists).
Under the Garland DoJ approach, there are so many exceptions as to swallow up the rule.
Virtually all the precedents they mentioned involve the now-repealed contraception clauses.
As I say, the DoJ wants to water down the abortion provision to the point of repeal, doing by interpretation for the abortion provision what Congress did by actual repeal for the contraceptive provisions.
By 1960, the broad medical exemption for shipping contraceptives could certainly be harmonized with the FDA’s approval.
It would take some serious watering-down (like the DoJ suggests) to create a situation where FDA approval of an abortifacient could be harmonized with the ban on sending abortifacients through the mail or private interstate shipment.
Now that the ban on contraceptive mailing has been pretty much eliminated, I don't think we need to use the precedents attached to those dead-for-half-a-century clauses in applying the now-revived abortion clauses.
So you're retreating to the "Hurt feelings of “oh noes abortions bad!”" standard, it seems. But let's assume you're right for a second.
Look, even if Congress passed a law directly adding mifepristone to a "list of things that can't be mailed" ... Danco could send it via a private (non-"commom") carrier. Limiting distribution routes =/= FDA's health and safety purview.
If, as you posit, mailing mifepristone is illegal, the appropriate solution is to enforce that law, not try to ban mifepristone nationwide. The alleged foul does not comport with the remedy whatsoever. Which is a fundamental problem when a court issues an injunction.
The entirety of the Comstock argument is window dressing for anti-choice zealots.
“Look, even if Congress passed a law directly adding mifepristone to a “list of things that can’t be mailed” … Danco could send it via a private (non-“commom”) carrier.”
Help me out and explain this a little.
“So you’re retreating to the “Hurt feelings of “oh noes abortions bad!”” standard, it seems.”
In the sense that I agree with the law Congress passed and think it should be interpreted literally?
You agree with statutes and decisions allowing abortion, don't you? I suppose by that logic...ah, but you're not using logic, you're using feelings.
"Just to be clear it can’t be sent through post, it can cross state lines."
Just to be clear, here's part of the law:
Whoever brings into the United States, or any place subject to the jurisdiction thereof, or knowingly uses any express company or other common carrier or interactive computer service (as defined in section 230(e)(2) [1] of the Communications Act of 1934), for carriage in interstate or foreign commerce—
...(c)any drug, medicine, article, or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing abortion, or for any indecent or immoral use; or any written or printed card, letter, circular, book, pamphlet, advertisement, or notice of any kind giving information, directly or indirectly, where, how, or of whom, or by what means any of such mentioned articles, matters, or things may be obtained or made; or
Whoever knowingly takes or receives, from such express company or other common carrier or interactive computer service (as defined in section 230(e)(2) 1 of the Communications Act of 1934) any matter or thing the carriage or importation of which is herein made unlawful—
Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned [etc.]
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/1462
Yeah, so no US Postal or FedEx.
Assuming that gets upheld to the most extreme extent of the law there's still other ways for items to cross state lines. Especially once lawyers are tasked with finding a loophole in a law written almost 90 years ago.
And it certainly says nothing about the FDA not being able to approve such an item.
There’s nothing extreme about applying the law according to its literal and natural sense.
And even if the FDA can’t be touched, I'd argue that the states at least have standing to sue – not to enforce federal laws in general (I’m pre-emptively disavowing that straw man) but specifically in cases where the feds have illegal and avowed policies of non-enforcement of federal law, and these nonenforcement policies result in the undermining of the states’ own policies.
There’s nothing extreme about applying the law according to its literal and natural sense.
Sure no post, but there may be other ways to transport things and there's nothing about the FDA.
And of course, the SCOTUS resurrecting long dead laws, including those that were unconstitutional when they were passed (abortion restrictions passed for show during Roe v. Wade), is the very definition of "extreme".
You think Comstock would have survived all these years if people expected it to get resurrected?
"You think Comstock would have survived all these years if people expected it to get resurrected?"
I don't know, but throughout Roe's existence there were constant warnings it might get overruled. Why didn't they have the foresight to repeal anti-abortion laws to guard against the possibility of resurrection?
They of course thought that blacks were inferior. But they did not deny that blacks were human. That's why they thought slaves should count for apportionment. And why there were laws against teaching slaves to read.
Dance puts it in a truck that doesn’t meet the definition of a common carrier. Could be a contract carrier, or their own truck.
Alleged Comstock problem negated in its entirety: not “mail” per 1461 and not a “common carrier” per 1462. No basis for FDA to take any action. No basis for Comstock Law to apply to mifepristone even in the most unlikely readings of the law and precedent.
https://www.transportation.gov/content/what-are-definitions-common-contract-and-broker-authority#:~:text=Common%20carriers%20provide%20for%2Dhire,individual%20shippers%2C%20based%20on%20contracts.
I think the enforcement of the law according to its literal terms will put *some* inconvenience on abortion, otherwise why would the Garland DoJ feel the need to water the law down?
And acknowledging that there are viable and even reasonable shipping methods (albeit more expensive) that would not be covered by 18 USC 1461 and 1462 means that it is not relevant to FDA approval of the health and safety of mifepristone when used as indicated.
Game, set, match.
Raising the price of death-dealing drugs should reduce the number sold.
Ah, yeah, actually it did.