The Volokh Conspiracy
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Assessing the Legal Claims in Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine v. FDA
There's been lots of heat, but very little light in coverage and commentary about the lawsuit seeking to revoke FDA approval of mifepristone.
Last fall, the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine (AHM) filed a lawsuit against the U.S. Food and Drug Administration seeking to force a revocation of the FDA's approval of mifepristone, a drug that is widely prescribed to terminate pregnancies (i.e. to perform a "medication abortion").
This lawsuit has generated substantial commentary, but very little legal analysis. Articles warn that a single federal judge in Texas could ban a common abortion drug, and cast all sorts of aspersions on that judge before he has issued a single ruling in the case, but few identify, let alone discuss, the legal questions that will determine the outcome of the case. Like most legal controversies touching abortion, everyone knows what side they are supposed to be one given their views of the underlying subject matter, and few have stopped to consider what the law has to say about how this case should be resolved.
As most of the underlying legal issues in AHM v. FDA concern administrative law -- and have nothing directly to do with whether the FDA properly approved mifepristone, let alone whether abortifacient drugs should be available, I figured it was worth taking a deep dive into the case. Fortunately, Adam Unikowsky, a former Scalia clerk who is now a partner at Jenner & Block, has already done such a dive.
Unikowsky has a post on substack, "Mifepristone and the Rule of Law," analyzing AHM's claims. Here is how it begins:
In 2000, the FDA approved a drug known as mifepristone for purposes of terminating pregnancies through 49 days' gestation. The FDA concluded that mifepristone, when used in conjunction with a different drug called misoprostol, was safe and effective, and that the benefits of mifepristone exceeded the risks.
In November 2022, a group of plaintiffs, led by the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine, filed a federal lawsuit in the Northern District of Texas seeking to overturn the FDA's approval of mifepristone and force mifepristone off the market. The plaintiffs have filed a motion for a preliminary injunction, which is currently pending in the district court.
This lawsuit has gotten considerable attention from the press. Many articles have accused the presiding district judge of being biased based on his legal advocacy before his appointment as well as second-hand descriptions of his personal views. I view these attacks as inappropriate and unfair: the judge was entitled to represent whatever clients he wished before ascending the bench, and I see no basis for believing that the judge will act in bad faith in this case or any other.
I would prefer that commentary focused on the legal merits of the lawsuit, and that will be the subject of this post. Cutting to the chase: the plaintiffs' legal theory is remarkably weak. Basic principles of administrative law, having nothing to do with abortion, squarely foreclose the plaintiffs' claims.
I will not venture a prediction on how the Northern District of Texas or the Fifth Circuit will rule. If the plaintiffs prevail in those courts, however, the Justice Department is likely to seek emergency relief from the Supreme Court. In my view, the Justice Department will likely prevail. If the subject matter of this case were anything other than abortion, the plaintiffs would have no chance of succeeding in the Supreme Court. The plaintiffs are banking on the hope that because this is a case about abortion, the Court will bend ordinary principles of administrative law. I predict it will not.
There are at least four problems with the plaintiffs' suit:
- The plaintiffs' theory of standing is irreconcilable with Supreme Court precedent.
- The statute of limitations has expired on plaintiffs' challenge to the FDA's approval of mifepristone. The plaintiffs claim that the FDA "constructively reopened" that approval in 2016, thus restarting the statute of limitations, but that's clearly wrong.
- The plaintiffs did not exhaust their claims, even though a regulation explicitly required them to do so.
- Although the plaintiffs claim that the FDA's actions are contrary to the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FDCA), the plaintiffs have failed to identify any particular provision of the FDCA that the FDA has actually violated.
The full post is here, and I recommend it because it is quite thorough.
I largely agree with Unikowsky's assessment of the legal merits of AHM's claims. Without making any predictions about how the case will turn out, I think it fairly clear that the plaintiffs have severe jurisdictional hurdles to overcome under existing law, and that they have failed to make their case on these questions. Like so many policy-oriented lawsuits, administrative law should control the outcome.
Unikowsky devotes substantial space to the threshold issue of standing and makes a powerful argument that the plaintiffs' allege precisely the sort of speculative injuries the Court held were insufficient in Clapper v. Amnesty International. He argues that to allow this case to go forward would, in effect, allow groups of doctors to challenge any agency decision that could conceivably result in an increase in injuries among an identifiable group of people. These objections are well-taken, and are not meaningfully addressed by AHM. Asserting that "Plaintiffs have standing six ways from Sunday," as AHM does in its reply brief, is not much of an argument. I would add that some of AHM's standing arguments are quite similar to those made by CREW in seeking to raise emoluments clause claims against then-President Trump, and I do not mean the comparison as a complement.
Standing is a serious obstacle to AHM's lawsuit, but it is hardly the only one. Another problem for AHM is making the case that a court, in 2023, should revisit a decision initially made by the FDA in 2000, and revised in 2016, when the statute has a six year statute of limitations. AHM tries to get around this with a creative and aggressive invocation of the reopener doctrine, under which (in certain limited circumstances) an agency can be said to have "reopened" a prior decision, thus allowing parties to reach back and challenge the prior decision in the context of a contemporary dispute. The problem is that the relevant caselaw on when and where this doctrine applies does not provide much support for AHM's specific claims, nor can AHM effectively appeal to the reopening doctrine's purpose of ensuring adequate opportunities for judicial review, as AHM had ample opportunity to challenge the FDA's prior actions.
It is difficult to maintain that the FDA has "reopened" a prior drug approval decision any time it considers a petition seeking a revision or modification of the rules governing a particular medication. Further, to treat all such actions as "constructively reopening" prior drug approval decisions would introduce tremendous uncertainty into the FDA's drug approval regime. Combined with AHM's expansive standing arguments, allowing AHM's claims to go forward would create open season on all manner of previously approved pharmaceuticals that one activist group or another decides to target. Fortunately, no such move is legally warranted.
The FDA determined that mifepristone is safe and effective when used as directed and has seen no reason to revisit that conclusion. AHM and its co-plaintiffs contest that view. Whether one agrees with the FDA or AHM on whether it is a good idea for mifepristone to be widely available, there is little doubt about how the underlying legal issues in AHM v. FDA should be resolved. The barriers to this suit are substantial, and AHM's attempts to surmount them are wholly unpersuasive.
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"If the subject matter of this case were anything other than abortion, the plaintiffs would have no chance of succeeding in the Supreme Court."
Other than that, Mrs. Lincoln, how did you like the play?
This particular administrative law case involves a government agency depriving an uncounted number of persons of legal protection, i. e. outlawry without individualized determinations of guilt - and in any case unborn humans are not guilty of anything except being inconvenient, which is not a crime or else most bloggers would be outlawed.
"Unborn humans" (such a sophostic phrase) aren't legal persons. They also, logically, aren't actual people, especially at the stages where mifepristone is used.
"depriving an uncounted number of persons of legal protection"
Not happening. Not in a legal sense, not in a logical sense, not in the most basic sense of the words "persons" or "legal protection".
Are they human? Are they alive?
At this stage, we're talking about embryos. They're "human" in the same sense that the skin flakes I'm shedding while responding to another asinine attempt at a derail are "human."
"Potentially human," if you like. Not that concluding that they are "human" necessarily implies anything about the morality of abortion.
"They’re “human” in the same sense that the skin flakes I’m shedding "
Unlike your skin, in the absence of a natural miscarriage, the embryo if left alone for 9 months will be a "legal person". Your skin never will be anything but dead skin.
The embryo also contains a unique and complete new DNA.
Unlike your skin, in the absence of a natural miscarriage, the embryo if left alone for 9 months will be a “legal person”. Your skin never will be anything but dead skin.
No. "If left alone for 9 months," an embryo will be dead. What you mean is, "if nurtured, protected, and nourished by a healthy human womb attached to a living and autonomous human being for up to nine months." an embryo may be born as a fully-functional, autonomous human being that will still require quite active care for a period of several months to survive, followed by several years of less active care and upbringing.
The embryo also contains a unique and complete new DNA.
The moral significance of this fact being...?
Its a new life, not owned by the mother.
You still haven't explained how anything morally significant follows from having a "unique and complete new DNA." You've just defined "life" as "having a unique and complete new DNA."
No one was really supposing that an embryo was "dead" or "non-living."
I did explain it, its a new life, unlike your skin which only contains your DNA.
And this is morally significant because...?
It's a potential new life. Chances are 3-1 against a fertilized egg becoming a living human being.
Senescent Joe, if left alone for 9 hours, would be dead.
Seriously, can somebody buy the poor guy a "Rascal" https://www.amazon.com/Rascal-Mobility-Scooter/s?k=Rascal+Mobility+Scooter&tag=reasonmagazinea-20
so the fate of the world doesn't hang on his breaking his neck trying to board Air Farce 1?
Frank
"the embryo if left alone for 9 months will be a “legal person”"
27% of the time, that is true. 73% of the time, it is not.
"The embryo also contains a unique and complete new DNA"
So does every dead body that isn't an identical twin, triplet, etc. It's not the "gotcha" anti-abortionists believe.
And many years later will inevitably be a dead person, like normal humans. And you can't treat a live human as a dead one because it will become dead. So clearly you can’t argue that you should treat a fetus as a human on the basis that it will become a human.
Sometimes!
Are early-stage corporations to be denied personhood status? Must they pass through a preliminary stage of development before becoming persons? If not, why do humans have to do this?
Are you familiar with how the law treats wholly-owned subsidiaries, general partnerships, and trusts? I mean, just to engage with this moronic metaphor.
Is it sophonistic too?
If you mean, was your attempt to make some kind of moral argument about the status of embryos by comparison to corporate personality somewhat sophistic, then, yes, it probably was.
I should have used the term "sophostic," like you did.
If you're going to insinuate that I'm an idiot, perhaps you should pay attention to the names of the people you're actually responding to.
Yeah, that was me with the typo.
Surry.
I’m sorry. I support abortion rights but this is just sophistry.
Skin flakes are not alive. The cells are dead. And they are skin cells, not all the cells of a human body, including nerve cells functioning.
The embryo is a baby. It is human. It is alive. Abortion kills it to end the pregnancy, the vast majority of the time while it is tiny, which is ok.
Grow some balls and stand right up into the face of people who want it illegal. You’re right. They are wrong.
Having pissed off everybody, I shall take my leave.
This is exactly the most disgusting part about some of the pro-abortion supporters: A blatant unwillingness to admit what they support.
I would be happy, personally, to provide a rebuttal to any coherent, anti-abortion moral argument, adequately presented. So far most of y'all can't do better than Plato.
OK Simon, take the Dred Scott decision and replace "Negro" with "fetus."
The decision is still wrong, QED abortion is wrong.
Pro-abortion isn't a thing. The idea that people are actively cheering for abortion, hoping that one day their kids will get one, dancing in the streets because people have to make a terrible, difficult choice, isn't real.
Supporting legal abortion because it is a complex issue that has no clear, objective truth and, therefore, should be an individual choice isn't the same as being pro-abortion.
Ummm -- https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/yes-democrats-celebrate-abortion
“having an abortion made me happy in a totally unqualified way. Why shouldn’t I be happy that I wasn’t forced to become a mother? #ShoutYourAbortion”
“Abortion is not some crazy, weird last resort. It is a normal part of women's medical lives. I think the #ShoutYourAbortion campaign is phenomenal. I love it,”
https://abcnews.go.com/US/shoutyourabortion-hashtag-started-sparked-movement/story?id=34631955
“By presenting a collection of nuanced narratives, Shout Your Abortion aims to advance a message of broader acceptance: If your abortion experience was hard and sad, that’s okay. If your abortion experience wasn’t hard or sad, that’s also okay. This marks a significant tonal shift in the cultural conversation about abortion.” (Caitlin Gibson, reviewing the book Shout Your Abortion in the Washington Post)
https://pmpress.org/index.php?l=product_detail&p=966
Skin flakes are not alive.
That wasn't, you'll note, the question. The comment I was responding to asked, are embryos human? My response was to say that they are human - as are my skin flakes.
The embryo is a baby.
No, "baby" means something distinct from an "embryo." Usually, a very young human being.
It is human. It is alive. Abortion kills it to end the pregnancy, the vast majority of the time while it is tiny, which is ok.
I don't deny any of this.
You seem to misunderstand the point of my comments. I am not trying to defend abortion. I am trying to illustrate how anti-abortionists have no coherent moral argument to make.
In high school biology textbooks, sure. In ordinary English usage, people say, "I can feel the baby kicking," or "Do you know the sex of the baby?", not "I can feel the fetus kicking" or "Do you know the sex of the embryo?"
"The embryo is a baby. It is human. It is alive. Abortion kills it to end the pregnancy"
That just isn't true. "Baby" and "human" have meanings. Zygotes are zygotes. Embryos are embryos. Fetuses are fetuses. Babies are babies. Three of those happen before birth, one happens after.
If people want to refer, colloquially, to their fetus as a baby that's great. If they want it to be treated as a legal distiction (or even an accurate linguistic reference), the answer is no. You can't redefine legal definitions because someone uses a word casually.
If you are using the word "kill" coloquially, sure. But legally? A fetus isn't murdered by an abortion. Logically? Also not murder. Morally? There hasn't been a convincing argument made by anti-abortionists, as evidenced by the minimal support it receives despite billions of dollars being spent on influence campaigns and lobbying.
I don't think that people who oppose abortion are wrong. They are right ... for themselves. Holding to a moral code that sees abortion as immoral is each person's right. They can peacefully protest all they want, try to convince people to adopt their moral code, support non-fraudulent alternatives to abortion, work together to achieve a cultural belief in don't-have-abortions, and anything else they want to do to influence others.
They are wrong only when they use legislation and governmental coercion to force others to follow their beliefs. There are plenty of people who are personally anti-abortion and politically pro-choice. I am one of them. What there aren't is people who are personally pro-choice and politically anti-abortion.
"personally anti-abortion and politically pro-choice"
This is like being "personally anti-Jew killing and politically pro-Nazi".
You either think abortion is a moral abomination or not. You are a "not".
Jesus, could you be any more fanatic about it?
I personally don't support abortion. If my partner got pregnant, I would argue for that fetus to be carried to term. I wouldn't advocate to anyone that they get an abortion. Those are things I believe for myself.
I'm not so arrogant as to believe that my personal feelings should be forced upon anyone else. There is no objective evidence that a fetus, before viablity, must be considered a person. There isn't even a strong logic to it. So there is no objective reason to impose a minority personal belief on anyone else.
It's very easy to be personally anti-abortion and politically pro-choice. You just have to accept that a belief that you hold isn't a universal truth just because you believe it.
You can think that abortion is morally wrong but not believe that it rises to the level of an "abomination." Or, that the value of continuing a pregnancy outweighs the mother's interest in being free of sustaining it in some cases but not others, with the weighing to be done individually by the mother, her doctor, etc.
Realistically speaking, that's where many people are, when it comes to abortion. Even many ostensible pro-lifers.
Yep. That's why every few years you hear a new scandal about an anti-abortion talking head (activist, politician, whatever) that paid for their mistress's abortion.
"Are they human? Are they alive?"
Having human DNA (which every dead person has) and meeting the basic biological definition of "alive" falls far, far short of personhood.
Unless it can survive outside the womb, it logically isn't a separate organism capable of independent existence, either (and independent meaning "separate", not "moved out of the house and gainfully employed". Just to stop the dishonesty before it starts).
Until you can establish your definition of "person" as the legal threshold (or even a generally accepted colloquial belief), you are firmly in the "pound the table" category of the facts/law/table axis.
Who cares if they are human? Being human doesn't entitle you to access or occupy the inside of another person's body if they withhold or withdraw their consent for you to do so.
"legal persons"
Such a sophostic phrase, designed to ease the conscience and permit wholesale killings.
As a great left wing writer and philosopher wrote: "A person is a person no matter how small."
Bob from Ohio, I personally don't think this case goes anywhere. To me, AHM cannot get past statute of limitations vis a vis FDA.
Do you think this case goes anywhere?
Probably not, but let’s keep a good thought and hope Law Talking Guy is right about Sam and friends.
Conventional wisdom said the Texas "bounty" law was going to be struck down, yet it was not.
"Conventional wisdom said the Texas “bounty” law was going to be struck down, yet it was not."
Which is just as poor of a reflection on so-called conservative 'jurisprudence' as any example in US history.
It was motivated and biased reasoning - nothing more.
"Such a sophostic phrase, designed to ease the conscience and permit wholesale killings."
Yes, legal definitions are such a yawner. Laws should be based on feelings and passions, not definitions.
First establish your beliefs as factually based and generally believable. Then come and talk to us. Until then it is just the mystical beliefs of a small (but vocal) minority who think their faith and belief and passion should overrule everyone else's (and the general application of logic.
The great left-winger also threatened to sue the ass off a right-to-life group for using his line as a slogan for right-to-lifism.
Afro-Amuricans used to not be "Legal Persons" you could buy and sell them like baseball cards, now they are, yay Progress.
Really, I'm glad Afro-Amuricans aren't bought and sold like baseball cards, I always got like 50 "Dal Maxvills"
Frank
Since they were exactly the same as any other living, breathing human in function and form, they were only being treated differently due to racism.
There is a noticeable difference between a pre-viability fetus and an actual human being. Starting with the fact that one of them is capable of existing outside of a womb. And, of course, the existence of functioning major organs. And brain activity.
That’s why that particular “gotcha” talking point by anti-abortionists is ignored by rational people. Like most of the sophistry anti-abortionists use to pretend that their personal beliefs should be forced upon others.
Thanks "Nelson" you forgot the "Hah Hah!' at the end.
I will point out that foreigners outside US territory also have no constitutional rights, and particularly no constitutional right to life. This is not mere theory. They can be killed in war, covert action, or simply by federal agents shooting at them from across the border, without redress. The Supreme Court has said so repeatedly, and reaffirmed the principle in a string of recent cases.
Hence they too aren’t, by your standard, actual people. And yet there is no question whatsoever that for purposes of the FD&C Act, their safety is considered equivalent to the safety of actual persons. Indeed, the FDA not only routinely relies on foreign clinical trials conducted outside the US to determine whether a drug is safe in actual persons, it requires companies conducting the trials to give foreign non-persons the same protections as actual persons. And it does so and can constitutionally do so, even though protecting foreign subjects outside US territory and limiting what clinical trials can do to subjects makes clincal trials more expensive, more time-consuming, ans less reliable, raising the costs of drugs to and delaying their availability to actual persons.
Whether the drug is safe and efficacious and under what circumstances it can legally be prescribed are different questions. Even the strongest abortion restrictions make exception for the health of the mother. And it may be that the doctor in consultation with the patient decides that aborting the fetus is necessary for her health and that medical abortion is the best route to do that. The drug in that circumstance is safe for the mother and produces that desired result with nessecary effectiveness.
This is no different than opiates. They can be prescribed for actual pain relief, but the doctor can be charged if he is doing it not out of medical need of the patient but to facilitate a patients addiction.
The FDA is responsible for determining if a drug is safe for the patient and will produce the desired result with requiste probability. In what circumstances it is legal for the doctor to make the prescription is up to the states, and sometimes federal government.
There's constitutional angle - would it violate the Constitution for the FDA to allow this?
Yes. Any argument that constitution requires the mother to put the baby/feuts's (depending on your view) life over her own is basically a non starter. And here I do mean life literally, as referenced as the "health of the mother" in most debates and case law.
I personally don't think the constitution requires abortion bans in general (I also do think it requires abortion to be legal other than life of the mother) though you can at least make a non frivolous argument.
I think I read your question wrong in answering Yes. So to be clear it would violate the constitution to make a law that doesn't have an exception for life of the mother. It does not violate the constitution of the FDA to approve a drug that can be used as an abortificient
"There’s constitutional angle – would it violate the Constitution for the FDA to allow this?"
I don't follow. What is the arguable constitutional infirmity in the FDA approval of Mifeprestone in 2000?
“No person shall be…deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law”
It's unconstitutional in the same way that issuing hunting licenses for born human beings would be unconstitutional.
No. After Dobbs it’s purely a question of statutory law. I think Congress likely cannot regulate abortion (outside federal territory and similar) directly, but it can use its interstate commerce power to have a considerable amount of influence, including regulating abortifacients. It can choose either to facilitate them or restrict them. In interpreting the FD&C Act, ordinary tools of statutory interpretation are used. The question is what Congress has done, based on text, legislative history, previous court cases, etc. Dobbs makes clear that so far as what policy choices to make are concerned, Congress can do almost anything it wants, limited only by the limits of the commerce clause. And if those limits are broad enough to permit Congress to flatly ban matijuana, they are also broad enough to permit Congress to flatly ban abortifacients too, as articles of commerce. And they are likewise broad enough to permit Congress to use its power to promote them and counteract any state laws restricting them. It’s entirely Congress’s choice.
Maybe you can answer this: Where is the line between the medical need of the patient and facilitating a patients addiction? How does the law address that.
It is a problem for patients whose conditions cause chronic pain.
I don't know the official test. That isn't really the point. I think it is obvious that on one side there is someone with a clear pain injury that needs pain relief, even if just temporary. On the other side someone with no injury or pain whatsoever but just wants drugs. Somewhere in the middle the is line. The point of the analogy here, regarding abortion, is that the FDA approving a drug for use, is not the same as saying when it can be prescribed. There can and are still laws that restrict when certain approved medications can be prescribed.
Yes, that is 100% true = There can and are still laws that restrict when certain approved medications can be prescribed.
Is there any plausible argument that the statute of limitations based on arguments that abortion is bad could be tolled until the Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs allowed that argument to be made?
The closest thing to a substantive decision by the judge in the present case is allowing the drug maker to intervene as a defendant. The company has no other business and would suffer great harm if approval were revoked.
Corporations can intervene in the case because they're persons in the eyes of the law, unlike early-stage, inconvenient human beings.
No.
"Unikowsky devotes substantial space to the threshold issue of standing and makes a powerful argument that the plaintiffs' allege precisely the sort of speculative injuries the Court held were insufficient in Clapper v. Amnesty International."
"LOL." said Samuel Alito "LMAO"
Once again, a careful, clear-eyed post. I appreciate it, Jonathan.
Without making any predictions about how the case will turn out,...
How sad things are, that, when discussing a case with so little legal merit, even the legal experts feel obliged to add this caveat. "While we can't safely predict whether this judge (or even the Fifth Circuit) will faithfully apply the law in this case..."
Much like Prof. Kerr, Prof. Adler no longer belongs at this blog. He is too well to attend.
"The plaintiffs are banking on the hope that because this is a case about abortion, the Court will bend ordinary principles of administrative law. I predict it will not."
Doesn't this admission undercut your statement that attacks on Kasmaryck's known beliefs are "inappropriate and unfair?" I mean if you admit that plaintiff's believe "abortion is different" then the beliefs of the trial judge are absolutely relevant. Plaintiffs totally believe that they are relevant to their case; that's why it was filed there and not say literally anywhere else in the country. I don't see how it's critics' problem for noticing this and pointing it out.
Capital-C “Court.” I think Jonathan has some skepticism about Kasmaryck and perhaps even the Fifth Circuit. But I think he’s more doubtful that the Supreme Court will plow through as many doctrines as it has to to reach the merits in this case.
Well it applies the whole way down doesn't it? I mean why would plaintiffs want to lose in the trial court? They want an injunction from this judge. If they thought it was only about SCOTUS they would have gone somewhere they could quickly lose.
To the extent standing depends on factual determinations, they want a judge who will see the facts their way. Factual findings are harder to overturn on appeal than legal findings.
Proof of a plaintiff's standing depends on factual determinations. The threshold matter of whether the complaint sufficiently pleads Article III standing is a question of law.
I think that the plaintiffs are expecting to win before this court, yes, and I think that Jonathan implicitly concedes that they might have reason to expect that. But I think that Jonathan's point here is that the win is unlikely to hold up after appeal.
Given what we've seen from the Court lately, what I'm expecting to happen here is: Kasmaryck rules against the FDA; the FDA immediately appeals and asks for a stay; the Fifth Circuit refuses the stay; that's appealed to the Court; the Court refuses the stay; the Fifth Circuit eventually hears the appeal and comes out one way or another; either way the case is appealed to the Court; the Court takes the case, possibly with a stay (if Kasmaryck is reversed by the Fifth Circuit); and the Court eventually gets around to its own holding... reversing Kasmaryck, probably on standing or admin-law grounds.
That gives the plaintiffs maybe two years of time in which mifepristone is off the market. But as we've seen with other abortion-related bans (before Dobbs, anyway), that's really the whole game. The market doesn't tend to come back into this space once you've pushed options off the table.
No, what would happen is illegal mifepristone being smuggled into the country, much like fentanyl currently is, and depending on the quality, dosage accuracy, and contaminants, there will either be some women dying from it -- or a LOT of women dying from it.
This will inevitably result in an overreaction and a political move to ban it in pro-choice states, and populist fear of it -- just like with opiates. It may be the FDA, it may be Congress, but I suspect that one will outlaw it before the two years is over and hence what is SCOTUS going to rule on???
... I assume this is the plot for your future-alternate history sci-fi dystopian novel?
'cause it's not close to reality.
It's a consumer product made by regulated companies and sold with all of the various requirements and restrictions of any other legal drug.
Anti-liberty states banning it won't change anything about the product. The "black market" product will be the legal product, brought across state borders.
No one is going to set up an illegal production facility for a product that can be purchased cheaply and legally most places in America.
What odds do you want on this?
On the Clapper precedent, the post cites two 5-4 decisions with the liberal minority supporting very broad standing rules to reach its desired result. Now the political calculation is reversed. Anti-abortion justices can reach the merits if they decide they or their predecessors were wrong a decade ago. Of course the liberals can argue stare decisis. They or their predecessors were wrong a decade ago but now it's settled law that you can't sue over such speculative injuries.
The student loan case will likely clarify the standing rule: one only has standing to challenge policies Sam Alito doesn't like.
"AHM's standing arguments are quite similar to those made by CREW in seeking to raise emoluments clause claims against then-President Trump, and I do not mean the comparison as a complement."
Actually, it looks to me like it is a comparison of complements. But it is not a compliment.
Seems like a legal constraint on policy making ought to include the notion that the constraint and the policy making should occur contemporaneously.
The two questions not being asked are (1) what happens if a drug is found to have a higher morbidity and mortality rate than was expected when it was approved? (That will only come out after it has been on the market for several years and hence the statute of limitations is offensive to justice.)
And (2) -- there is something like a 9% complication rate from these medical abortions. Many (not all) of these complications are on the level of "go to the hospital or you will die".
So if these abortion pills are mailed into pro-life states, which everyone is expecting them to be, what happens when 9% of the women taking them in these states have medical complications?
Some will die -- not many, but some will.
And then what????
You are just making up numbers. See attached. https://www.aafp.org/pubs/afp/issues/2022/0100/p5.html
Dr. Ed? Making shit up?
Surely not.
The FDA regularly addresses emerging issues with medications it approved. Sometimes this leads to them being pulled, sometimes it leads to doctors taking more care in their use.
Pretending this is something that isn't already handled by the existing system is just silly.
As are your numbers.
So your solution is "the FDA will handle it". But if they don't?
IMO it's ridiculous to have a statute of limitations on such things at all. What's the benefit?
Have you ever seen one of those "if you or a loved one ever took [insert medication here], and suffered [long list of consequences here], you may be entitled to relief [...]" commercials?
It's almost like we've done this before or something.
Also, “if a drug is found to have a higher morbidity and mortality rate than was expected when it was approved,” that doesn't necessarily mean that there was anything wrong with the approval process. If the expectations were reasonable based on the evidence available when the drug was approved, the courts shouldn't overturn the approval just because the expectations later turned out to be incorrect.
That's why the review process you describe is a more appropriate way of dealing with emerging issues than a lawsuit challenging the original approval. The review process asks whether, given what we now know, the drug should remain on the market. It allows drugs to be pulled from the market based on new information, even if there was nothing wrong with the process that approved the drug initially.
RE: "Some will die — not many, but some will. And then what????"
Hopefully, the blame will be put where it belongs: on the shoulders of the right-to-lifers who made it necessary for the patients to take the abortifacients without proper medical supervision or access to emergency care.
You see, if legislation based on your ideological loop-a-dupery causes patients to die, that's your fault.
Thank you, Professor Adler, for the link to the Unikowsky article. It contains a cogent analysis of the obstacles to the plaintiffs' lawsuit against the FDA.
Sure. And people are entitled to have pattern-recognition and note the clients that he wished to represent. It's not like the guy was being forced to accept those clients at gunpoint or something.
I swear, this idea that lawyers have that no one should judge them for their decisions is absurd. Public defenders, and public defenders only get to hide behind "everyone deserves a competent lawyer". All the rest of you are picking and choosing your cases, and it is entirely fair to judge you for what you pick, and what you choose.
That said...
isn't really in concordance with
i.e., you just admitted that yeah, you have basis for believing that judges (up to and including Supreme Court justices) would act in bad faith.
Face it. Everyone knows that this case, on the merits, is a loser. Every article I've seen on it says as such. And every article also points out that probably doesn't matter. Including this one.
So…Hillary Clinton? Eric Holder?
John Smith.
Pocahontas.
The only point I can imagine you're trying to make is a vague accusation of hypocrisy, but you'll have to do better then that.
Hippocratic Oath (HT Hippo-Crates, M.D.)
"Neither will I administer a poison to anybody when asked to do so, nor will I suggest such a course. Similarly I will not give to a woman a pessary to cause abortion"
Obviously outmoded, as nearly all Cancer Chemotherapy agents are "Poisons" (Nitrogen Mustard anyone??) And just what is a "Pessary" anyway? so a "Swift Kick to the Uterus" would be OK??.
and from the time when Surgeons were considered a different profession (they are, just ask one)
" I will not use the knife, not even, verily, on sufferers from stone, but I will give place to such as are craftsmen therein."
and of course, "Fists do some Harm!"
I mean "First do no Harm"
Frank
"In a 1989 survey of 126 US medical schools, only three of them reported use of the original oath, while thirty-three used the Declaration of Geneva, sixty-seven used a modified Hippocratic Oath, four used the Oath of Maimonides, one used a covenant, eight used another oath, one used an unknown oath, and two did not use any kind of oath. Seven medical schools did not reply to the survey.
As of 1993, only 14% of medical oaths prohibited euthanasia, and only 8% prohibited abortion."
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hippocratic_Oath
So when you talk about "The Hippocratic Oath", you have to specify which one. There are lots of them and almost none oppose abortion.
and none of them carry any legal weight (and if they did, I had my fingers crossed)
I've got...significant concerns over retail pharmacies distributing RU-486.
It's useful for medical abortions, no doubt. It also has a surprisingly high adverse effect rate.
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33939340/
This really is the type of thing you should be using in the presence of a doctor, and not alone in your own home. I fear those pushing for it, are pushing at the costs of women's lives.
I can’t read the article but the abstract to me is pretty bad in suggesting how they came to their conclusion. They say the number of AER’s and give percentages of the AERs with certain events. But they don’t provide anything regarding the total number of patients using the drug and therefore the percentage of people who have an adverse effect.
Did you fail to grok that nothing in that abstract actually speaks to the "adverse effect rate"?
Here's what another scientist says about that study (as well as another one asserting that complications after use of mifepristone was around 5.2%):
"the risk of death is less than one in 100,000"
Sounds like cause for a consumer-fraud action, if it doesn't cause death.
the Declaration of Geneva is not the Hippocratic Oath.
a "modified" Hippocratic Oath is not the Hippocratic Oath.
the Oath of Maimonides is not the Hippocratic Oath.
No oath is not the Hippocratic Oath.
A covenant is not the Hippocratic Oath.
When one speaks of “The Hippocratic Oath”, one speaks of the only one; the oath specified by Hippocrates.
Damn squirrels; typed as a reply to Armchair Lawyer.
Oath of Maimonides
Someone's run a gurney over Maimonides' bad foot again.
I'm oretty sure the Hippocratic Oath, as laid out by Hippocrates, isn't used at all any more. Probably because of the parts that require things like, "To hold my teacher in this art equal to my own parents; to make him partner in my livelihood; when he is in need of money to share mine with him; to consider his family as my own brothers, and to teach them this art, if they want to learn it, without fee or indenture".
Or, "Neither will I administer a poison to anybody when asked to do so, nor will I suggest such a course.", which someone already pointed out would prevent chemotherapy, among others.
Many doctors today (and for the last 60 years or so) have sworn an updated version of the Hippocratic Oath (which, notably, doesn't mention abortion). But I would be stunned if any swore the original oath.
The Hippocratic Oath is, in modern form, an ethical and professional framework through which doctors practice. Expecting doctors to follow an oath that they never swore and that is completely outdated (except to the modern disciples of Apollo and the Greek pantheon, of course) is weird. And an unrealistic expectation.
Especially since very few speak Ancient Greek!
And very few want to swear oaths in the name of Apollo and Panacaea and "all the gods and goddesses".
I agree that there is no standing to sue in this case. And if the case should pass standing and defenses like statutes of limitations and reach the merits, I think the FDA followed administrative procedure and acted completely legally based on the law of the time. However, I think a plaintiff with proper standing and under a more appropriate legal theory, and perhaps with more appropriate defendants, might have a chance of prevailing.
The FD&C Act’s safety requirement has long been held to apply to the safety of human life generally, including fetuses. The FD&C Act was strengthened after discovery that thalomide caused deformed fetuses and birth defects. I think this legislative history is highly relevant to understanding its statutory meaning. The fact that a result may be legal and considered therapeutic by the medical profession in some states has never altered this. The FDA did not open its doors to approve “medical aid in dying” after it was legalized in some states, because such drugs are considered unsafe as a matter of federal FD&C law whether or not their effect is considered medical therapy as a matter of state law.
The FDA’s special restrictions on mifepristone when it approved it, especially the requirement that a recipient state in writing that she intends to have an abortion before the drug can be dispensed, are particularly telling. The FDA interpreted Roe v. Wade, I think correctly, as creating a special exception to its ordinary historical statutory duty to protect fetal life in the specific case where a woman wanted an abortion. Roe v. Wade rendered this statutory duty unconstitutional and set it aside, rendering it nullity, in the context of an intended abortion and in no other context.
Dobbs, however, rendered Roe a nullity. Absent Roe, the FDA’s ordinary statutory duty to protect human life generally, and fetal life in particular, again prevails. Absent Roe, a woman’s wish to have an abortion no more makes abortifacients come within the framework of rhe FD&C act than a patient’s wish for medical help in dying makes euthanasia agents come within the FD&C Act. Remove the influence of Roe, and the fabric of the FD&C Act simply returns to its previous state.
Thus while the FDA’s approval of mifepristone was undoubtedly legal and valid at the time under the law of the time, and any lawsuit claiming what it did at the time was invalid is doomed to failure, that does not make mifepristone legal under a properly interpreted FD&C Act of today, post-Dobbs. The FDA acted under a completely different statutory regime, an FD&C Act with a narrow constitutionally mandated exception to the general rule on human safety, specifically and onlyfor abortion.
Today’s FD&C Act has no such constitutionally mandated exception. Absent Roe’s constitutional mandate, no such exception exists. Mifepristone has to be evaluated by the same criteria that thalomide was, including whether it is safe with respect to fetuses. And by those criteria, mifepristone is a lot less safe than thalomide, the very drug that caused Congress to amend the FD&C Act to better ensure the protection of human life generally (and fetal life in particular) in the first place.
Thalomide is today an approved drug for some uses, including treating certain cancers, but its use in pregnant women is specifically prohibited. An evaluation of mifepristone today ought to lead to the same result.
This particular lawsuit has many problems, to put it mildly.
The theory of standing is absurd. Because the plaintiffs are doctors, they might (possibly) someday treat a woman hurt by mifepristone, and if so it would take their time away from things they’d rather be doing.
Their whole argument, not just the standing argument but the merits argument as well, focuses and highly depends on a claim that the FDA got the science grossly wrong, the company provided false and misleading data and or/the FDA helped them cover it up, and mifepristone is actually much more dangerous TO PREGNANT WOMEN than the product label indicates.
Let’s be blunt. Their claims here are pretty much a regurgitation of pseudoscience conspiracy theories. They totally lack merit. The FDA did not engage in a giant conspiracy. Mifepristone is not an extraordinarily dangerous drug to pregnant women. The FDA acted reasonably under the law as it existed at the time, and these plaintiffs’ claims of a big government criminal conspiracy are just totally bogus.
The cause these plaintiffs are attempting to serve is not aided by these plaintiffs or their lawyers, and could well be badly hurt by getting judges into the habit of associating the moral and policy views they represent with bogus fraud claims, wild conspiracy theories, false scientific arguments, and similar pseudoscience, pseudomedicine, and pseudolaw.
This lawsuit doesn’t merely have zero merit. Its value is very likely actually negative.
The analogy to Thalidomide isn't very good. The fetuses harmed by Thalidomide (very few in USA, thanks to an extra-careful watchdog at FDA, one Frances Oldham Kelsey, but that isn't relevant here) were wanted fetuses. No one tried to use Thalidomide as an abortifacient and I don't think anyone ever tried to get it approved for that purpose. (It wouldn't work, anyway: it only affects a very small fraction of fetuses exposed to it.)
OK, you’ve conceded that the FD&C Act imposes a general duty that includes a duty to protect fetal life. You make a distinction, however, between “wanted” and “unwanted” life, and by “wanted” you mean wanted in the opinion of the patient, and not in the opinion of the state or Congress. Does this distinction exist in the FD&C Act absent modification by Roe?
I think United States v. Rutherford, 442 US 544 (1979), is a good argument that it doesn’t. In Rutherford, the Supreme Court held the FDA can prohibit terminally ill patients from obtaining in interstate commerce a drug the FDA has not recognized as safe and effective. The District Court had held that the “safety” and “effectiveness” prongs of the FD&C Act have no application to terminally ill patients. The Supreme Court reversed. It held the FD&C Act includes a duty to protect the safety of trrminally ill patients, and that duty applies whether the patients involved want it or not. “Wanted” is simply irrelevant.
I think Rutherford is apt here. But for some special exception imposed by Roe, patient wishes, what they want, are simply irrelevant to the FD&C Act’s duty, and this has been the FD&C Act’s historical interpretation as authoritatively articulated by the Supreme Court. If the FDA has a duty to protect safety, it has that duty whether the patient wants it or not. And as the thalomide example and the FD&C Act’s associated legislative history illustrate, the duty is indeed part of the FD&C Act where fetuses are concerned. Indeed, the mifepristone approval illustrated that the FDA continued to recognize itself as having the duty, excepting only in the context of the exercise of a constitutional right to abortion that trumped what the statute would otherwise require. After Dobbs, that exception no longer exists.
LOL at people trying to argue that unborn people aren't humans. What are they, fish? Are they dead skin cells? No, they're alive. They're just humans who are smaller because they haven't grown up yet. Like born babies, they are small and dependent.
Millions of mothers every day refer to their in utero offspring as babies. So whether you take a descriptive or prescriptive tack, or a scientific or informal approach, there's just no serious debate on this question.
There have always been effort to define certain various categories of people as less than human, less than persons, able to be disposed of or treated as property. Slavery, genocide, holocaust, abortion -- All peas in a pod.
We don't care what they are. What matters is where they are. If something or someone is located inside your body, then you are entitled to get rid of it, no matter what it is.
If all the people in the whole world were assembled (somehow) inside your body, then you would be entitled to kill any or all of them. If God were located inside your body, then you would be entitled to kill God.
"If something or someone is located inside your body, then you are entitled to get rid of it, no matter what it is.
If all the people in the whole world were assembled (somehow) inside your body, then you would be entitled to kill any or all of them."
Right. I mean, it's a fair argument, as long as you didn't invite them in.
Another thing about all this: if mifepristone gets banned or de-approved, methotrexate can serve perfectly well as a substitute. The methotrexate-followed-by-misoprostol regimen is just as safe, just as effective, and just as good as the mifepristone-followed-by-misoprostol regimen.
Right-to-lifers may be able to get mifepristone banned or de-approved, because mifepristone is still mostly used for abortions (with a couple of uncommon other indications such as Cushing’s syndrome), but methotrexate has been used so long and so often and for so many different indications that any attempt to ban or de-approve it would encounter fierce resistance from the medical profession. (The same is true of misoprostol.)
See, for instance:
* Methotrexate and misoprostol to terminate early pregnancy, Richard U. Hausknecht: New England Journal of Medicine: 1995 Aug 31;333(9):537-40.
* Medical abortion with oral methotrexate and vaginal misoprostol, M D Creinin , E Vittinghoff, E Schaff, C Klaisle, P D Darney, C Dean: Obstetrics and Gynecology 1997 Oct;90(4 Pt 1):611-6.
An analogy could be made to euthanasia drugs. The fact that the FDA doesn’t approve them hasn’t prevented their use. Nonetheless, it’s been pretty clear that the FD&C Act does not make approving or supervising them the FDA’s business. The FDA’s position seems to be, I think with some reason, that an unwanted life doesn’t constitute a “disease” and terminating it doesn’t constitute a “cure,” hence they aren’t “drugs” at all under the FD&CA. After all, firearms are used for suicide but the FDA doesn’t regulate them as medical devices.
One could take the same position here. Indeed, faced with a sufficiently conservative Court your side might end up embracing the “it isn’t the federal government’s business” position as the best you can do.