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Divided D.C. Circuit Reaffirms F.E.C.'s Enforcement Discretion
A split U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit denied an en banc petition challenging the Federal Election Commission's failure to pursue claims against New Models.
Today the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit denied a petition for rehearing en banc in CREW v. FEC. In April 2021, a divided panel of the court rejected CREW's attempt to challenge the Commission's decision not to take enforcement action against New Models. The FEC cited legal reasons for its decision, but also invoked its "prosecutorial discretion" to not pursue enforcement actions where doing so would not be an appropriate use of agency resources. Splitting 2-1, the court concluded the FEC's reliance on prosecutorial discretion made the decision unreviewable.
CREW filed a petition for en banc rehearing, supported by various political and academic amici. Today, that petition was rejected. Judge Rao, who authored the initial panel decision, wrote a brief opinion concurring in the denial, joined by Judges Henderson, Katsas and Walker. Judge Millett, who had dissented from the initial panel decision, dissented, joined by Judge Pillard. There is no indication of how Chief Judge Srinivasan or Judge Wilkins voted. Judges Childs and Pan did not participate.
Here is how Judge Rao' opinion begins:
The Federal Election Commission's decision to dismiss a complaint on the grounds of prosecutorial discretion is not judicially reviewable, and I therefore concur in the denial of the petition for rehearing en banc. As explained in detail in the panel opinion, courts cannot review the exercise of enforcement discretion committed to executive agencies, including the Commission. See Citizens for Resp. & Ethics in Wash. v. FEC ("New Models"), 993 F.3d 880 (D.C. Cir. 2021). In our structure of separated powers, "an agency's refusal to institute proceedings" falls within "the special province of the Executive Branch"—a province the judiciary cannot invade. Heckler v. Chaney, 470 U.S. 821, 831 (1985); U.S. CONST. art. II, § 1. The Administrative Procedure Act ("APA") enshrines this principle by explicitly withholding judicial review of matters "committed to agency discretion by law." 5 U.S.C. § 701(a)(2). The Federal Election Campaign Act ("FECA") leaves such executive discretion in place, consistent with the Constitution and the APA. FECA importantly provides for judicial review of decisions "contrary to law," 52 U.S.C. § 30109(a)(8)(C), but the Commission may decline to move forward with an enforcement action for reasons of prosecutorial discretion and such decisions cannot be reviewed by this court.
More from Judge Rao's opinion:
The dissent expresses consternation about the inability of this court to oversee the Commission's non-enforcement decisions. But nowhere does it contest that the Commission retains prosecutorial discretion or that a decision based entirely, or even in some substantial part, on such discretion would be unreviewable. Here, it is clear the so-called "controlling commissioners" declined to proceed against New Models for reasons of prosecutorial discretion, and also, independently, for legal reasons. The dissent argues we must be able to review the independent legal reasons. But, as the Supreme Court has repeatedly admonished, courts cannot simply pluck out legal questions from nonreviewable decisions. . . . FECA does not alter this basic rule. See
FEC v. Akins, 524 U.S. 11, 25 (1998); New Models, 993 F.3d at 890–92. The Commission's non-enforcement discretion is thus unreviewable, irrespective of how many pages the controlling commissioners devote to legal analysis and how many to explaining the exercise of prosecutorial discretion.
If getting the FEC to take enforcement action is difficult, Judge Rao notes, that is due to its design as a six-member commission in which prosecution decisions must attract four votes.
Judge Millett's dissent begins:
Essential to the rule of law is the principle that a governmental agency cannot become a law unto itself. Yet that is what the court's decision here permits. The opinion licenses a minority within a federal agency to pronounce extensive and substantive legal determinations that will affect the course of agency decisionmaking and the behavior of regulated parties, while inoculating those decisions from judicial review just by tacking a fleeting reference to prosecutorial discretion on at the tail end of the decision.
According to the court, that sleight of word bars all judicial review even when the substantive legal analysis is expressly denominated an "independently sufficient" basis for decision, separate and apart from any claim of prosecutorial discretion. Worse still, it eviscerates the explicit private right to judicial review that Congress wrote into the Federal Election Campaign Act. It hamstrings review even when, as here, the agency's reading of federal law openly defies a federal court order holding that very same statutory interpretation unlawful.
I would not arm an agency minority with what is in effect a judicial-review kill switch. Neither am I able to turn my back on such agency disregard not only of an adverse court judgment, but also settled statutory requirements and this court's binding precedent. For those reasons, I dissent from the denial of rehearing en banc.
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Maybe there is more (or something else) here than a bunch of Federalist Society Republicans running interference for fellow movement conservatives.
But probably not, based on brief observation of the circumstances.
Carry on, clingers. So far as better Americans allow, anyway.
Congress’ decided to make initiating a prosecution of certain laws more difficult by requiring a majority vote of a commission rather than a decision by a single individual, and decided to make it even more difficult by staggering the commissioners’ terms to prevent control by a single Administration. Whether these decisions were wise or not, features or bugs, they were Congress’ to make.
Not if discretion becomes lopsided enforcement.
The issue is that Congress expressly provided that a complaining party can obtain judicial review of an FEC rejection of its complaint. Congress did not have to include that provision. But the majority reads that provision as providing a right of review UNLESS the reason, even if only the partial reason, given by the FEC for rejecting a complaint. is "prosecutorial discretion". This creates the obvious ramification that the FEC can avoid the judicial review Congress expressly provided for by invoking prosecutorial discretion.
In this case, the "controlling commissioners" devoted 31 pages of legal analysis explaining why the expenditures in question were not illegal. It then added one sentence saying that given the passage of time and the fact that the organization that made the expenditures was apparently no longer active, it would not be a wise use of resources to pursue the complaint any further. Under the reasoning of the majority of the D.C. circuit, the FEC need not have bothered with the 31 pages of legal analysis and might as well have dispensed of the case with that one sentence.
And perhaps that was indeed the correct decision. I'm honestly not sure who has the better of the argument in this case. Congress should probably clarify the issue, but apparently content to delegate all of its responsibilities to administrative agencies, I doubt it will take the time to do so.
The thing is, you're not going to get a fix to the FEC, because the Republican party has largely decided that the campaign regulations the FEC was created to enforce were a wrong road to go down, ultimately contrary to the 1st amendment.
Actually, that's too generous. It was always evident that these laws were hostile to 1st amendment rights. The GOP just didn't much care so long as a common front existed between them and the Democrats to use them to suppress third parties.
But once the common foe had been dealt with, that common front broke down. Republicans started to notice that Democrats were weaponizing transparency to generate target lists for retaliation against conservative donors. That the Democrats' dominance of the media meant Republicans were more dependent on paid media, and spending limits did not hurt the parties equally.
But, principle or self-interest, the GOP gave up on campaign finance 'reform', and aren't going to help the Democrats fix the FEC so that it can be more effectively weaponized against them. The FEC will remain a toothless joke until one or the other party gains unchallenged control of the elected branches.
If it's the Republicans, the FEC will largely go away or be further neutered. If the Democrats, it will be made into a political Death Star. But neither is happening while Congress is split down the middle.
The Articles of Confederation, though imperfect, were superior to the Constitution: NO ELECTIVE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT OFFICES! And a national government lacking the authority to force citizens to do things (eg: pay taxes) then turn around and tell the citizens the lie that voting means “the people” have given their consent to have force used against them.
Evidently the people alive at the time didn't think so.
And they would recoil in horror if they saw the Federal government of today. All of them would have....
And I trust you know why the courts were in the Third article -- they were viewed as the least powerful of the three.
The Articles of Confederation had severe shortcomings, almost everybody agreed with that. ("Almost"; Rhode Island didn't send delegates to the constitutional convention, and had to be forced to ratify the Constitution with a naval blockade.)
That doesn't mean they didn't over-shoot in the opposite direction with the Constitution.
The Constitution certainly did not go too fer - we had a Civil War and basically a refounding to go further still.
Yeah, that's the exact point: You pass a tipping point, things keep going in the same direction, don't they?
The founders were aiming for a stronger federal system, they over-shot to the point where even if a substantial group of states wanted out, they could be conquered and dragged back in.
You pass a tipping point, and it turns out you need to ban slavery and deal with an insane amount dehumanization and a level of loss of freedom to a bunch of Americans most would consider kind of a big deal.
You seem to be arguing the Civil War made us less free. Maybe consider who got to make the decision for those states to want out, and then try again.
The Civil war made the slaves vastly more free. But it wasn't just the floor rising, it was also the ceiling falling; It signaled a trend away from genuine federalism in favor of centralized government.
In the end, the Constitution didn't leave the states with enough leverage to keep the federal government from continuing to grow, it didn't establish a stable distribution of power.
'Genuine' federalism that allows slavery is not a system to mourn the loss of.
A less powerful federal government than that allowed by the Constitution would have resulted in a disunion even faster. With the concomitant inability to reconstruct the union by including blacks and women in the franchise.
Ding the Constitution for contemplating an insufficiently powerful federal government to be long viable, if anything. A government by, for, and of the people required more than what the originally drafted document could give.
"they over-shot to the point where even if a substantial group of states wanted out, they could be conquered and dragged back in."
IIRC: The Articles of Confederation had an explicit no way out clause.
The Constitution says nothing on the issue either way.
If Congress thinks this is a problem, the law could be amended so the agency sends a right to sue letter if it concludes both (1) the allegation is founded, (2) it is not worth the agency's time to pursue. And the case goes to court as US ex rel. Busybody vs. Committee That Spent a Dollar Too Much. If plaintiff is willing to foot the bill.
They knew they were creating a potential political doomsday weapon when they created the FEC, and deliberately structured it so neither major party could use it against the other. And the Democrats have been trying for years to remove that safety mechanism. Why?
Because they WANT a political doomsday weapon.
What the fuck are you talking about?
Is this the Republican camps again, Brett?
Sarcastr0, do you understand why the FEC is structured the way it is, with no more than 3 members to be of the same party, and FOUR votes needed to act?
It's because the FEC had a terrifying degree of potential to be used as a political weapon, if it ever fell into the exclusive control of one party. They knew that, and the structure was a safeguard to prevent it. That's not some off the wall theory, it's the standard account of why the FEC has this structure.
But for several decades now the Democrats have been trying to defeat that structure, enable the FEC to act on a straight party line vote. Describing the fact that they couldn't act on a party line vote as the FEC being "broken", not just operating as intended.
The FEC is not actually a doomsday weapon against free and fair elections.
I'm not sure you know what their enforcement powers are, actually. Look them up and then come back with your horror stories of what a party line vote can do.
Plus, unregulated elections are not known for their political fairness, actually. So the alternative is also something to consider before you put on your melodrama robes yet again.
“The FEC is not actually a doomsday weapon against free and fair elections.”
For certain Democrat preferred values of “free and fair”, sure.
Once again, you see demons on the other side and proceed from there.
Look at recent electoral conflicts. Dems want more people to vote easier. Republicans want to declare themselves victors regardless of how the vote comes out.
The FEC can't dissolve political parties, nor fine them out of existence. If you think courts wouldn't prevent such actions due to their own partisanship, than the FEC isn't the problem at all. And if they would prevent it, then the FEC isn't the problem either.
Twitter put a lot of effort into helping Democrats in 2020. That much is free speech. But they allegedly took requests from Democrats. Is that illegal coordination or an illegal campaign contribution? A Republican FEC could make Democrats pay for all the help they got. A Democratic FEC could bring the hammer down on Twitter instead, now that Twitter is no longer being as helpful.
Twitter took requests from both sides. There are allegations that these requests were not treated equally, but no actual proof has emerged.
An FEC of any partsanship taking action like you describe would have to provide justification more than your ipse dixit.