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Should the Sentencing Commission Get Auer Deference for the Number of "Images" in a Video?
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit disagrees on whether the word "image" is ambiguous.
Today the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit decided an interesting case concerning Auer deference, the sentencing guidelines, and how to determine the number of "images" in a video. In United States v. Phillips, the panel affirmed a district court's decision that Trinity Phillips merited a five-level sentencing enhancement due to his possession of child pornography. The panel split over the rationale, however.
Judge Boggs delivered the opinion of the court, for himself and Judge Davis, concluding that the court should defer to the U.S. Sentencing Commission's conclusion that a single pornographic video should count as 75 images for the purposes of sentencing enhancements. According to Judge Boggs, the term "image" as used in the sentencing guidelines is ambiguous as applied to a video, and the Sentencing Commission's interpretation was worthy of Auer deference, even as narrowed by the Supreme Court's decision in Kisor v. Wilkie.
Judge Larsen disagreed, and wrote a separate opinion concurring in the judgment. According to Judge Larsen, the sentencing guidelines are not ambiguous and the decision to equate a single video with 75 images is a policy choice, not the resolution of an ambiguity.
Judge Larsen's separate opinion begins:
How is a court to respond when the question before it involves the interpretation of an agency rule? Over decades, we lower courts developed a habit of deferring reflexively to the agency's interpretation under Seminole Rock and Auer, rather than first tackling the interpretative question ourselves, to see whether the rule was "genuinely ambiguous." Kisor v. Wilkie, 139 S. Ct 2400, 2414 (2019). Three years ago, the Supreme Court told us to stop. The Court did not mince words: "[T]he possibility of deference can arise only if a regulation is genuinely ambiguous. And when we use that term, we mean it—genuinely ambiguous, even after a court has resorted to all the standard tools of interpretation." Id. In United States v. Riccardi, this court confirmed that Kisor's admonition applied to the Sentencing Guidelines too. 989 F.3d 476, 486 (6th Cir. 2021). These were important decisions. They reminded us that judges have a duty to interpret the law, even when administrative agencies are involved. But old habits are hard to break. Today's decision is proof. No fair reading of Kisor and Riccardi would permit us to defer to the Sentencing Commission's conclusion that the word "image" means 1/75th of every video. Nevertheless, the majority opinion rolls right through Kisor's stop sign, reflexively deferring to an agency's non-interpretation of an unambiguous Sentencing Guideline. So I concur in the judgment only.
According to Judge Larsen, an "image" is a "still representation," and therefore a video contains as many images as it contains frames. Under this approach, Phillips' conduct still qualified for a five-level enahncement. On this basis, Judge Larsen concurred in the judgment and agreed that the district court's sentence should be affirmed.
More from her opinion:
Is "1/75th of a video" one of the reasonable meanings of "image" derived from the statutory interpretation of § 2G2.2(b)(7)? No. In its discussion of ambiguity, the majority opinion identifies three possible meanings of "image": (1) a video, (2) a frame, and (3) the ill-defined meaning it intends to convey with its Bergman hypothetical. Maj. Op. at 11–12. Notably absent from that list is the 75:1 rule chosen by the Commission. Faced with a situation in which "[t]here can be no thought of deference," Kisor, 139 S. Ct. at 2419, the majority opinion nevertheless defers. . . .
The upshot is that the Commission's 75:1 rule is not, by any measure, an interpretation of the Guideline. It is a substantive policy choice to which this court does not owe—indeed cannot owe—any deference. Riccardi, 989 F.3d at 487; Havis, 927 F.3d at 386. That inevitable conclusion suffices to reject the majority opinion and the Commission's rule. . . .
Between the briefing and the majority opinion, three options remain: "Image" might mean (1) a video, (2) a frame, or (3) something like "imagery," "impression," or "scene." If option one, Phillips's preferred approach, is right, then his Guidelines range would be reduced. If option two—the government's fallback position—is correct, then Phillips's Guidelines range remains the same. If option three—the majority's conjecture based on a hypothetical viewing of a Scandinavian art-house film—prevails, then I cannot work out how Phillips's Guidelines range would be affected. The majority, tellingly, makes no attempt to explain either.
Happily, the answer is clear. An "image" means exactly what one would think: a "still representation" of something. And, in the context of a video, that means a "frame." . . .
I recognize that people may disagree over whether the frame-based rule, the 75:1 rule, or some other rule, would better serve the goal of differentiating offenders based on their culpability. We might debate how commonly child-pornography defendants possess short videos, whether offenders who film their victims with a slow-motion camera should be punished more severely, or even whether possessing a video is categorically worse than possessing still photos, and by how much. But what seems beyond peradventure is that there is room for disagreement. And once that's true, the absurdity canon has no place in a court's analysis. Pub. Citizen, 491 U.S. at 471 (Kennedy, J., concurring in the judgment). When a court discards the plain meaning of a text on the basis of anything less than an "impossible" result, id., as the majority has done here, it makes a policy choice, and "elevates the judicial over the legislative branch," Logan, 453 F.3d at 806. . . .
To recap: Once the 75:1 rule is rejected, three candidates for the definition of "image" remain—video, frame, or imagery/impression/scene. Of these three, only "frame" has any support in the text of the Guideline and neither the government nor the majority opinion deploys any tool of statutory interpretation to reject "frame." The majority opinion makes no effort to show that its Ingmar-Bergman-inspired definition could reasonably apply. And any attempt to create ambiguity based on absurdity is self-defeating, not to mention a flagrant violation of precedent. For all that handwringing, we're right back where we started: "Images" means exactly what you'll find in every dictionary—a "still representation"; and vis-à-vis a video, an "image" is a "frame." Because "there is only one reasonable construction" of the Guideline, the "court has no business deferring to any other reading, no matter how much the [Commission] insists it would make more sense." Kisor, 139 S. Ct. at 2415. The majority opinion's (hopefully anomalous) rush to defer returns us to the world of old Auer. I cannot join it in doing so.
One other little tidbit: I found it interesting that in his opinion for the court, when discussing "the motivating principle of Auer deference," Judge Boggs cited a portion of Justice Kagan's Kisor opinion (Part II.A) that was only joined by three other justices, and thus represented a plurality opinion, not the opinion of the Court. Indeed, reading Kisor it appears that the Chief Justice was careful to only join those portions of the opinion detailing the new test for Auer deference and affirming the importance of respecting precedent, and not those suggesting that Auer was correct or articulating a defense of Auer deference on the merits.
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At what point does "intent of Congress" come to play?
There were no MPEG files back in the '80s, and Congress was attempting to deal with perps who were sending hard copy photographs through the mail.
Of course, what I don't understand -- and what makes me suspicious -- is how the authorities haven't already caught all the perps doing this.
Wrong as usual: as explained in the opinion, Congress required the promulgation of these Guidelines provisions in the PROTECT Act of 2003.
"There were no MPEG files back in the ’80s"
This is true, but there were packaged movies, including porn distributed on film. Frame would have the same meaning for an MPEG and an actual film reel.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Super_8_film#Packaged_movies
So what's the explanation for not accounting for films?
Did they envision each still frame of a physical film?
Would we then need a hearing to determine which still frames were illegal in and of themselves?
The 75 rule seems like an easy way to streamline this. Then give the defendant the option of arguing that his film had fewer than 75 images.
To address your questions in order.
I have no idea.
That would be my guess, but it's just a guess.
No more so than would be needed for any other image.
A frame by frame analysis for illegal content would be time consuming but not difficult. Also there is no particular reason why that has to be done live in court in front of the judge. It isn't really any different than a case of someone who has a large number of still images, of which some are legal and some are not.
The analysis would be exactly the same between a video and a large mixed collection of still images.
Again, a dispute between the prosecution and the defense on which frames are violations would be no different than a dispute over same for particular still images in a large collection of mixed images.
Actually, "frame" doesn't really have the same meaning for an mpeg that it does for a film reel.
Video compression is based around the idea that two adjacent uncompressed frames are likely to be very similar to each other. So the video file doesn't bother to store them. Instead, most frames in a video file express only the visual difference between the current frame and the preceding frame. There are periodic "keyframes" in the video file which fully define their own visual content.
If you've ever opened a video file and seen giant gray or black splotches where most of the picture should be, that happens because you're missing the keyframe data that the file was relying on to be there.
So most frames in an mpeg are not well defined images at all - they are defined only by reference to a fairly large set of previous frames, plus a small amount of visual data inherent to the frame. The visual image that is supposed to be contained in any given frame is the sum of the most recent prior keyframe plus every frame between that keyframe and the frame you want to inspect.
You could make a decent argument that the number of "images" in a video file is the number of keyframes. That would be a better number than the number of frames.
But I think that's a bad idea for a different reason. Adopting that theory of the number of images would make the same video count as a different number of images according to the encoding choices made when creating the file that contains the video. This is absurd.
Judge Larsen's favored theory of counting fully-rendered frames has the same problem; the frame rate is an encoding choice. The same video is not meaningfully different at different frame rates, particularly when the theory of harm refers to the process of creating the video rather than the process of owning or watching it.
I find the theory of the Sentencing Commission ("we need a rule of thumb for how many images one video is worth") much better than either of the above theories, though I think the theory of counting scenes is even better than that.
So the majority rejects images as stills with this bit of whimsy:
“When one says that “the film contained a number of powerful images,” that does not refer to frames. One can imagine asking a friend if they enjoyed a recent showing of Ingmar Bergman’s The Seventh Seal at the local arthouse cinema. Perhaps the friend did enjoy it. If the friend were asked if the film contained any striking “images,” they might respond “Yes, I found the iconic image of Death playing chess with the crusader on a deserted beach very memorable.” If one followed up and asked which frame in particular the friend was referring to, they would respond with a puzzled expression. Mostly because the human eye cannot perceive any individual frame, but more so because the “image” of chess-playing Death does not correspond to any particular frame, nor to any singular still moment at all.”
And then goes on to say:
“Equating the number of frames in a video with the number of images, therefore, is not necessarily the only way to understand the image table even as a textual matter. Indeed, there likely are any number of frames in a given video that do not include the prohibited subject matter at all, as when the camera scans a room for setting or settles on other innocuous items for instance. It would seem contrary to congressional intent to include such frames in the count of images that lead to increased punishment. And parsing out such frames would require courts to undertake a frame-by-frame analysis of each video to ascertain the number of frames that include illegal images, an onerous and unrealistic task given the multitude of frames in any one video and the many cases that involve multiple videos. ”
The “frames” approach might have that problem, but their Scandinavian Art Film approach is no better. Is the court supposed to go through the videos and determine how many images are as striking as Death playing chess with a crusader? That sounds fun, can’t wait to read the case law as to which child porn scenes the court remembers. So this doesn't really justify 75 images per video either it's just a non sequitur.
Dissent has the better of this one, a frame is an image and if some frames in the child porn are innocuous, tough, it’s part of the video. If Congress wants to amend the statute to go easier on child porn videos, it can but it hasn’t done so.
Reminds me of police treating marijuana residue on walls not as evidence of past possession or of smoking, but of possession in and of itself. Wherefore value in not letting laws grow through executive or judicial stretching?
I’ll go slink away now. Punch hard! Stretch away!
My point exactly.
Federal drug offenses used to consider the weight of any substance containing a detectable amount of an illegal drug. (This may still be the law.) Tem grams of pure drug cut with 90 grams of something harmless becomes 100 grams of drug.
If Congress wants to amend the statute to go easier on child porn videos, it can but it hasn’t done so.
Yes, the proportionality of sentences for child pornography are definitely at the top of everybody's list of priorities.
Under Wisconsin law, there is a child pornography surcharge of $500 per image when convicted. If this is done *per frame* I think this could be an 8th Amendment violation. 75 images is already $37,500, and that's like less than two seconds worth of frames. (Laughably, the Wisconsin Supreme Court denies that the surcharge is even punitive, because it's a "surcharge" and not a "fine".)
That would be my preferred approach too. Auer deference to the sentencing commission feels awkward to me, but at some point the courts definitely do have to make sure that the sentences they impose aren't so wildly disproportionate as to amount to an 8th amendment violation.
It's not just the 8th Amendment but the fact that prison space inherently is a finite resource and is this the wisest allocation of it? Personally, I'd like to see arrests of the perps *producing* this stuff, eliminating the source, and you never seem to see that happening.
The other thing I don't understand is every time they catch a perp, and seize the perp's computer, they have electronic fingerprints of where the images came FROM and why are there never any successful attempts to trace them back to the source(s)?
prison space inherently is a finite resource and is this the wisest allocation of it
That's a policy decision that isn't for the courts to make. (Or the sentencing commission, for that matter.)
Courts can force the executive branch to make the policy decision by ordering them not to overcrowd prisons. This happened in California where the tough-on-crime voters caused a lack of prison space. If you got a short sentence for DUI you could report for your sentence at 11:59, wait in the lobby for two minutes, and leave having served "two days" (one minute in each of two days).
That was happening in Maine until the legislature rewrote the law to read "48 hours."
For sure, but that's not the same thing as imposing lower sentences for certain crimes in order to free up prison space.
Courts aren’t supposed to make general overarching policy decisions, but every sentencing decision is an individualized policy one.
The sentencing commission is expressly tasked with making policy decisions.
That is literally the decision the sentencing commission is supposed to make.
I don’t think current eighth amendment jurisprudence offers much support for a constitutional proportionality requirement, but assuming arguendo that it does, I’m not sure why it supports granting deference to the sentencing commmission. The Guidelines aren’t mandatory, so Judges is perfectly free to issue a lower sentence if they think the recommendation is too high (and certainly if they think imposing a within-Guidelines sentence would be unconstitutional).
It seems especially ill-supported in a case like this, where the defendant is asking the court to disregard the sentencing commission’s interpretation because it is too punitive!
A video is typically 30 images per second.
But it's a single file/thing/possession.
The 75 images per video is a perfectly reasonable (and honestly, lenient) squaring of the circle.
I think it’s a perfectly defensible policy choice. But it’s just that: a policy choice, and not one made by Congress, or reflected in the actual Guidelines as amended by the sentencing commission.
The lesson is to splice all your illegal videos into one long video.
The application note does provide for an upward departure for videos significantly longer than 5 minutes.
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