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The Sackett Oral Argument and the Problem of Defining "Waters of the United States"
The justices wrestled with the problem of identifying a clear, coherent, and administrable definition to constrain federal regulatory jurisdiction under the Clean Water Act.
Yesterday the Supreme Court opened October Term 2022 with oral argument in Sackett v. Environmental Protection Agency, a case in which the Court is asked (once again) to clarify the scope of federal regulatory authority over wetlands under the Clean Water Act (CWA). In previous posts I discussed the issues in the case, the cert grant, and the decision below.
If oral argument was any indication, the justices recognize the need for greater regulatory certainty, but also recognize the difficulty in drawing a clear line to demarcate where "waters of the United States" end and non-federal waters or lands begin. Much of the argument focused on precisely this question, causing the justices to explore the meaning of the word "adjacent," as the Court previously upheld the EPA and Army Corps' authority over wetlands adjacent to navigable waters in United States v. Riverside Bayview Homes, perhaps the high-water mark of Court acquiescence to broad assertions of federal regulatory power under the CWA. Accordingly, the justices considered whether "adjacent wetlands" must be physically connected to navigable waters, must be neighboring to such waters, or must merely be nearby, and most seemed unconvinced with the answers they received from the advocates.
Over the course of the argument it became rather clear that a majority of the Court is unwilling to embrace Justice Kennedy's "significant nexus" test for federal regulatory jurisdiction. This is significant because the federal government sought to defend this test, as opposed to the more expansive tests urged by the EPA, Army Corps, and Justice Department in prior CWA jurisdiction cases. It seems the "significant nexus" test is simply too malleable and uncertain to constrain federal regulatory authority and provide landowners with sufficient regulatory certainty.
While the justices seemed unlikely to reaffirm "significant nexus" as the relevant test, it was not clear many were sold on the petitioners' proposed alternative, a variant of the test Justice Scalia proposed in his Rapanos plurality, which would generally require a continuous surface connection between wetlands-to-be-regulated and navigable waters. Chief Justice Roberts, in particular, seems surprised that the petitioners would advance a test that would effectively eliminate federal regulatory authority over wetlands with seasonal hydrological connections to navigable waters.
Perhaps recognizing an opportunity to forge a compromise, Justice Kagan (followed by Justice Sotomayor) asked whether there was an alternative formulation that could provide landowners with greater certainty without unduly constraining the federal government's regulatory authority. Neither attorney before the Court offered such an alternative, but it may well be that the justices are looking for such an alternative. In this regard, it seems Justice Kagan was trying to replicate the Court's compromise decision in the Court's last Clean Water Act case, County of Maui v. Hawai'i Wildlife Federation, in which a compromise position captured a six-justice majority.
A few other tidbits:
- In questioning, Deputy SG Brian Fletcher asserted that Congress did not seek to utilize the full extent of its Commerce Clause authority in the CWA, and could have regulated even more expansively. This was a striking claim to make for several reasons. First, in SWANCC, and again in Rapanos, a majority of justices concluded that the scope of CWA jurisdiction had to be construed narrowly so as to avoid raising difficult questions about the scope of the federal commerce power. Moreover, the district court decision that caused the Army Corps to assert authority over wetlands in the first instance, NRDC v. Callaway, said the exact opposite in reaching the conclusion that wetlands are within WOTUS, as have multiple courts since.
- Some of the justices seemed inclined to read CWA Section 404 (g) [42 U.S.C. 1344(g)] as a provision that preempts state regulatory authority. I believe this is a gross misread. 404(g) and the accompanying provisions set up the sort of cooperative federalism structure common to environmental law in which states can obtain authorization to administer a federal regulatory or permitting program under state law (so as to, among other things, reduce local regulatory burdens by avoiding the need for duplicative federal and state permits). As I read it, the relevant language of 404(g) precludes authorizing states to administer a Section 404 program for navigable waters and "adjacent" wetlands. It does not preempt states from exercising such authority on their own.
- Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson did not sound anything like a rookie justice. She dove right into the questioning in her first oral argument and her questions were clear, focused, and sharp. If an unknowing listener had been asked to identify which justice was the newbie, that listener would not have flagged Justice Jackson.
- Justice Sotomayor was not in top form at oral argument. As occurred in West Virginia v. EPA, she misstated things and made confident claims (such as that Congress used the word "abutting" in the CWA) that just are not so. As I noted here, Justice Sotomayor also made some mistakes in the West Virginia v. EPA oral argument.
Although this was the first case heard in this Supreme Court term, I doubt it will be the term's first opinion. The justices have quite a bit to sort out, and this is unlikely to be a unanimous opinion.
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title 33 section 1362 (7) for purposes of this chapter – defines “navigable waters” as “waters of the United States, and territorial seas. The Statutory definition of navigable waters does not include the term navigable. Because the definition is so broad and is not limited by navigable (because the definition omitted navigable) most everything can be considered “waters of the United states”
Because the definition is so bad/broad, I think its near impossible to resolve. Justices are forced to decide based on what they think the law should be. - congress needs to fix
Also note that since the statute defines “navigable waters”, that statutory definition overrides the ordinary/common meaning of the term.
Ah, the good ol’ Commerce Clause.
The power to “To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;”
Include the power to regulate “Navigable Waters of the United States” for environmental reasons
Which extends to “Wetlands adjacent to navigable waters”
Which extends to “Waters which connect to those wetlands via underground water flows”
Which extends to “Septic tanks which release waters to underground flows”
Which extends to “the contents of an individual’s toilet bowl”
Which extends to “the contents on an individual’s bladder”…
So clearly, the commerce clause, via this connection of events allow the US government to mandate the consumption of asparagus. Via the navigable waters interpretation.
"Justice Sotomayor was not in top form at oral argument. As occurred in West Virginia v. EPA, she misstated things and made confident claims (such as that Congress used the word "abutting" in the CWA) that just are not so. "
Not unexpected for Sotomayer
You figure she might get the facts half as wrong as Justice Gorsuch and his allies did in the "private prayer at the 50-yard-line" case? That would be bad.
Seethe.
Is this some Politics.Win thing?
Hey, uhm, where's Jackie? 😀
"Justice Sotomayor was not in top form at oral argument."
I lost track of how many times she pronounced "corps" as "corpse". Really awkward and grating to listen to.
While I agree that Justice Sotomayor's mispronunciations we're embarrassing, I'd be more embarrassed about being unable to count to two.
I agree, the courts' treatment of acquitted conduct is way wrong, but it's a little OT.
My $0.02:
If it's that hard to come up with a clear, coherent, and administrable definition, perhaps they ought to declare it void for vagueness.
Good point on the vagueness of the definition
If anyone can provide a citation that limits the definition for certain purposes of the CWA, then can they provide.
Unfortunately, the only definition of "navigable waters" in the chapter is "waters of the united states,...." (at least the only definition that I can find)
“Equal protection”? Too vague. Just dismiss all E.P. arguments.
According to that racist moron PBJ today EP means racist set asides and that's what the Founders meant when they drafted the 14th amendment.
The Founders didn't draft the 14th Amendment.
They were all dead.
I think that was part of the insult?
On second reading maybe you're right and BCD was pulling the ol' Trump trick of "I was just kidding! Anyone can see that!"
Well, he is obviously saying that PBJ believes nonsensical stuff, so finding that some belief he attributes to PBJ would be nonsensical is hardly shocking. Just part of the insult.
Sorry but the caffeine hasn't kicked in yet. "PBJ" = ???
I am curious about that myself. Maybe a rapper buddy of Biden's? Corn Pop and Peanut Butter and Jelly, best of friends.
Racial set-asides and the EP Founders, you say?
Ayep:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedmen%27s_Bureau
Ah, you are aware, aren't you, that "freedman" means "former slave", not "black", right? That, if you were a free black before the war, you weren't, by definition, a "freedman"?
So, no, it wasn't a racial set aside. It was a "former slave" set aside.
It's almost like they had some thoughts about disparate impact vs disparate treatment.
"The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands"
" And with a view to affording reasonable protection to all persons in their constitutional rights of equality before the law, without distinction of race or color, or previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, and to the prompt discharge of the duties of this act, it shall be the duty of the circuit courts of the United States and the superior courts of the Territories of the United States, from time to time, to increase the number of commissioners, so as to afford a speedy and convenient means for the arrest and examination of persons charged with a violation of this act;"
Oh dead. So you want to make this an inquiry into who needs reparations, then?
No, we want you to admit that the Freedman's Bureau wasn't a case of a racial set-aside.
See this take on her questioning in Merrill v Milligan>
https://www.nationalreview.com/bench-memos/kbjs-jumbled-musings-on-the-fourteenth-amendment/
the vagueness doctrine for interpreting statutes doesnt apply to constitutional provisions
But nice try
Most wetlands (at least the ones I’ve seen) are separated from the main body of water by a highway, usually put in by people like Robert Moses over the opposition of environmentalists. So everything on the other side of the highway is outside the scope of the CWA?
captcrisis — Highway engineering must accommodate drainage. Anyone who supposes a roadway is a meaningful alteration of an aquatic connection is usually mistaken. But not always. In a minority of cases a roadway really is a dam, especially when it runs across the top of a dam. Simple investigations will sort out the cases.
Yeah, even in the cases I've seen where the road wasn't built with drainage pipes, it was at least built on a porous bed of coarse stone. I mean, if the wetland can't drain under the road, it's going to drain over it, and nobody wants that.
But if there’s a roadway there’s no “continuous surface connection” and by Scalia’s definition the wetland ends there.
No, just agreeing with him that roads basically always have some provision to allow water flow across them, unless they're built in a desert. Doesn't mean I agree with him about the implications.
captcrisis — Voila! The killer critique of Scalia's definition. Perhaps that was your point.
Thanks!
Why is that a "killer critique"?
If you can't sail a ship into it, it is not a navigable water.
Not what the statute says.
Words don't mean things.
Kleppe, that is sort of right. Sentences mean things because they have meaningful syntax. Sentences in context mean more. Words? Not so much.
Try this experiment. Take your sentence, "Words don't mean things." Look up dictionary definitions, word-by-word. Concatenate the definitions. See if you get useful meaning out of it. Here, I'll do it for you:
"Words don't mean things" (defined):
Single distinct meaningful elements of speech or writing contraction of do not intend to convey, indicate, or refer to (a particular thing or notion); signify objects that one need not, cannot, or does not wish to give a specific name to.
Of course, this has been a kind of too-obvious critique of you for your deliberate abuse of the notion of communication.
There are statutes that say men can be women.
What's your point?
My point is the law is an ass.
Nevertheless, Longtobefree is right. "Navigable waters" must be navigable by definition. Any definition to the contrary is just stupid. If a legislature tried to define Pi as exactly 3, that should not merely be laughed at but summarily ignored - including by the courts.
Note - that doesn't mean that unnavigable waters must be entirely unprotected. It just means that it's the states' job to protect those waters, not the feds.
"Many that live deserve death. And some that die deserve life. Can you give it to them? "
Such is the question SCOTUS is posed with regard to WOTUS.
if this was the last term, the recently departed justice Breyer would have articulated some middle ground to provide better clarity for what is an adjacent wetlands like he did with Maui. Perhaps Kagan will fill his role.
But the bad fact for the Sackett's is the prior JD. If they had done adequate diligence before buying their land, they should have discovered it.
so I think they will lose even if there is a middle ground test developed.
LSchnapf — You give the Sacketts too much sympathy. The notion of the put-upon Sacketts is purpose-built PR, cooked up by development interests for the newspapers.
Elsewhere, the news media describe the Sacketts as owners of an excavation company. I don't know how things are where you are, but in that part of the nation a professional excavator can be counted on to have a working knowledge of wetlands regulations. The inference is inescapable that the Sacketts have been in cahoots with their legal supporters, whose case this really is.
Everyone would be more forthright to acknowledge that this has been a test case all along, predicated on deliberately breaking the law to create an occasion to roll back environmental regulations in court. On that basis, I think even if you knew nothing else about the Sackett property, you could conclude it was chosen on purpose because it included a wetland the plaintiffs knew was covered under the law.
You don't achieve regulation rollbacks in court by following the regulations. You break the regulations, and then demand that the Justices declare the regulations illegal. You may be able to tell the Sacketts do not get my sympathy for doing that.
By the way, VC bloggers, how about a breakdown of Sackett Case amici, and an analysis of who has paid what for this bit of jurisprudence. How many suppose the poor Sacketts have paid out of pocket for this legal adventure?
That's kind of standard, isn't it? You can't challenge a law prohibiting you from sitting at a lunch counter, either, without violating it by sitting at the lunch counter.
The key thing, of course, is to calibrate the violation; You need to violate the law as it stands, without doing something so outrageous that the court is guaranteed to uphold it anyway.
So just from general principles we can deduce that the Sackett's property is probably a wetland by the government's preferred definition, but not a wetland by some not totally crazy definition.
The inference is 100% escapable. Conspiracy theories remain loony, whether from the left or right.
Just to be clear, of course various advocacy groups have supported the litigation after it ensued; that's pretty much true of everything that is important enough to reach the Supreme Court. What I am labeling a "conspiracy theory" is the notion that the Sacketts knew their property was regulable wetlands and deliberately chose to build on it in order to create a test case.
This comes to mind:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0gC29ArkGG0
Whatever the ruling, government of the lawyers, by the lawyers, and for the lawyers shall not perish from this Earth. The population shall remain prey for them, any time they move. Just get permission from us, you know how that works, and we'll all be fine.
It's rather a fit of genius to turn a constitutional power to keep the trade routes open into another reason to block the trade routes and close them down, until a lawyer gets paid, or a politician.
Behar?
I am pleased to see events have overturned my over-pessimistic take on the Court's willingness to give good faith consideration to the case. If the Court continues consideration using a thoughtful evaluation of physical evidence from the Sackett parcel I will apologize to readers on this blog.
The problem to create a useful definition should not much trouble the Court. If they want to continue in good faith to the intended purpose of the CWA, a practical definition is easy to find. But the the result may seem less than intuitive for some Justices. Development-minded Justices will not like it, even though it will permit reasonable developments on private property.
Do not focus too closely on physically determined standards involving connection and proximity. Maintaining navigability was never the principle point of the law, although actions which obstruct navigability should obviously be prevented. The point of the navigability standard was and remains jurisdictional.
The larger point of the law when it passed was to preserve and maintain the useful, biological, and chemical integrity of the navigable waters. Other waters which measurably affect any of those three factors on a predictable basis should be included under the CWA's jurisdiction.
Other waters which are thought to possibly affect acknowledged navigable waterways can be excluded, unless effects of those kinds can be shown to be at least predictably measured annually. That should be the enabling concession to private interests.
In the case of any undeveloped water resource or wetland which has been in a continuously natural-appearing state for multiple years, the burden to prove no measurable effect should fall on the party who proposes alterations. In such cases the government should be free to enforce the law with penalties sufficient to assure compliance, until the private party proves the government's assessment mistaken. But there should be a formal determination of a de minimus standard for the size of the water resource, beneath which the government's cause for jurisdiction must be shown by more convincing evidence.
Otherwise the burden to prove an annually measurable effect should be on the government. However, there must be no unchallengeable presumption of a right to development simply because a waterway or wetland is on private property. Many such private waters will be provably outside the CWA jurisdiction, but that must be shown by the party proposing to alter them. Adjustment of the de minimus standard mentioned above will be key to getting that balance right.
There should be one salient exception. Some development projects, such as mine tailings piles and ponds, may have few or no annually measurable effects, but in the event of mishaps pose dire hazards to navigable waters down-drainage. In such cases a mishap, however unlikely, should be presumed, and if consequent damaging effects on navigable waters can be reasonably predicted, that should establish government jurisdiction over those projects. The burden to show that should be on the government, but private parties must have a responsibility to inform the government of the pendency of any such project, and that should be enforceable.
The counter-intuitive part, for some Justices at least, will be that some water bodies which are quite distant—maybe separated by hundreds or even thousands of miles—do affect each other in measurable and annually predictable ways. Migrating birds connect them. Aquatic life, and even insects connect them. Movements of micro-organisms can connect them. Biological and chemical effects of navigation itself connects them.
Regardless of distance, when shown, those kinds of connections must be treated like any others. Even the insect and micro-organism kinds of connections can have outsized manifestations among human populations, and among other animal populations. Those cannot be ignored. A risk of a pristine-looking waterway surrounded by a hinterland in which birds (or people) die of a pandemic loosed by a preventable ecological insult may not be readily predictable by anyone. But preventing it willy-nilly is a key benefit which a wisely administered CWA can reasonably afford. Measurable connection is the manifestation which provides the key to reduce the frequency of baleful ecological surprises.
It is the character of naturally-accustomed useful, biological, and chemical connections between water bodies which the CWA ought to be administered to protect—whether to preserve virtuous connections already established, or to prevent unwanted connections which waterway projects might inadvertently create.
I have no doubt that bodies of water hundreds of miles apart have real world effects on each other. But, remember, this is all based on the power to regulate a specific subset of commerce, NOT a power to regulate anything whatsoever that may hypothetically have an effect on such commerce.
It's totally dishonest to interpret this clause in such a way as to remove all the qualifiers that were carefully placed in it.
Bellmore, maybe you were not old enough to pay close attention while the CWA was being debated and passed. Controversy over the law was a feature affecting one of my first news beats, so I gave it close attention.
You mischaracterize the law. The single most-salient feature in favor of the law, in the minds of its proponents, was wetlands protection. For years, the news media had pointed again and again to analyses of the rate of disappearance of ecologically indispensable wetlands. Much of the impetus for the law came from those dire (and accurate) reports. And in fact the law has since its passage notably abated that trend toward wetlands loss and degradation.
What specific qualifiers do you think were deliberately placed on the law to foreclose wetlands protections?
So good intentions are enough to justify federal involvement in any issue?
Should the act extend to regulation of storm drains that in most cases are directly connected to bodies of water?
I thought it always had. Am I mistaken? Seems like I remember Chicago building a giant underground tunnel system, to store and manage the processing of storm drain water.
I'm not talking about qualifiers placed in the law. I'm talking about qualifiers placed in the Interstate Commerce clause, which the law purports to be an exercise of.
I have no doubt that most environmental regulation is well intended, most of it is probably a good idea. But the Constitution lacks a clause empowering the federal government to do anything that's a "good idea", it creates a government of enumerated powers.
The power to regulate a subset of commerce is NOT the power to do anything that seems like, or even IS, a good idea.
Lathrop -
You seem totally confused on what the subject of the case actually is
Your argument deals with whether the property is or is not a wetland.
That is not the question
The question is what is the meaning of the statutory definition of navigable waters which is defined by statute as "waters of the United states, ...."
the definition is vastly too vague to determine where to draw the line.
Is a lake or river waters of the united states?
is the stock pond on the rancher property waters of the United states? What about the storm drainage ditch? or the water well?
or the rain barrel that collects water off of the roof during a rain?
All of those fall within the broad meaning waters of the united states.
Joe_dallas, in the hope you are commenting in good faith, no. They do not all fall within the broad meaning waters of the United States. And of course I recognize that the case involves an attempt to find a limiting principle. Which is why I detailed an actually limiting principle. Excluded from your list would be everything but a navigable lake or river, or in some instances the storm drainage ditch, depending on the nature of its connection to navigable waters.
Since the statutory definition of navigable waters for purposes of this chapter (CWA) is "water of the United States, ...." and since the definition of "Navigable waters" does not include the word "navigable "
Unfortunately, the statutory definition doesnt not include any limiting principle - so we are left with the perplexing question - What does waters of the United states mean.
A primer on statutory construction / statutory language would greatly assist you in understanding the issue and how to understand the actual legal question.
I have lately been handing this one out like candy to conservatives I like, and that includes you. Here it is (the shortened version, modified to fit your comment):
To understand the law you have to know what the law says, and the procedures lawyers and judges use to interpret the law. To understand what the law means, you have to know the law, and you also have to understand the activities the law purports to govern.
The Supreme Court should almost always undertake the entire analysis, including appropriate emphasis on what the law means.
The issue certainly flew over your head.
As previously stated - the definition of "navigable waters " "for purposes of this chapter" is "waters of the united states, ..."
The term navigable waters is not part of the definition, nor is any other language in the statutory definition which would limit the definition.
Let me know if you can find any statutory language in a section which overrides the definition for purposes of this chapter.
As noted - a remedial course on statutory construction would help your analysis immensely. Because the definition is so vague, the only course the judges have is to decide what the law should be not based on what the law is, which is the approach you have been advocating.
"She dove right into the questioning in her first oral argument and her questions were clear, focused, and sharp."
Well, unlike five of the Justices, she isn't a senior citizen. In all honesty, (I'm 63) that makes a difference, no matter how much we'd all wish it didn't.
Speak for yourself.
You're happy about declining mental powers, then, I assume? That's kind of dark.
Far from it. If you feel your mental powers have declined with age
that's sad for you.
Anybody who doesn't think their mental powers have declined by their 60's is lacking much capacity for introspection. Flatly nobody reaches their 60's without some decline, even though we make up for it with increased experience and knowledge. You're actually at your smartest, in terms of raw mental horsepower, in your teens, it's all downhill from there. (Don't tell teens that!)
concur - Also note that almost all the great mathematical discoveries were done by males prior to the age of 25.
It occurs to me that the notion of a bridge provides a useful critique of Scalia’s insistence on continuous surface connection. Presumably even Scalia would have acknowledged that the George Washington Bridge does not much affect the hydrology of the Hudson River beneath it.
But what about the Chesapeake Bay Bridge/Tunnel, much of which is built on causeway, some of which is built on bridges, and some of which is under water? If the water quality of the Bay has been affected by that, I have not seen a report of it.
From there the next step is to a causeway built over periodic culverts, which let water drain under. Also still a continuous surface connection, it seems to me. The culverts can be counted on to meaningfully equalize the water quality on either side.
Then you get to a causeway engineered over a porous bed, to accomplish what the culverts do, but with less opportunity of blockage and obstruction. Does doing it that way disqualify from consideration a law about the water quality on either side?
Between the GWB and the final causeway, is there any functional difference to justify a legal distinction with regard to a law about water quality? I don’t think so.
And in world where alpine lakes above tree line, without discernible surface drainage, somehow get fish in them naturally, it seems like the notion of surface connection becomes a meaningless shibboleth. Those fish probably come in by air, as fish eggs, on the feet of wading birds. No surface connection at all. But a meaningful water quality connection none the less. Over time, those fish will notably alter the water quality of the lake, making it less pure, but more biologically diverse. The connections are what matter for the water quality, not whether they are surface connections or not.
Water-quality-wise, not all kinds of connections may be equal, but they all have capacity to affect notably the water quality.
But, again, the question is not what affects what, but what can constitutionally be regulated under a statute that purports to be grounded in a clause of the Constitution granting the power to regulate a subset of commerce, not H20 wherever situated.
The question is not, what would be a good idea. It is what would be constitutional.
Bellmore — Thanks for conceding my points, except for your enumerated powers tic. Of course the Commerce Clause plus the Necessary and Proper Clause take care of that. I know you don't like to acknowledge it, but it is necessary, in the constitutional sense, to regulate water quality.
Moreover, that question of necessity is not even for the Court to decide. That is for Congress. Which decided it.
The question before the Court now ought to be what Congress decided to authorize, but I sense the Justices are looking to slip past so forthright a task, and move on instead to trying to diminish by law what Congress already decided.
I proposed a system to achieve such limitations, while still preserving the most important parts of the CWA as they were intended when passed.
With regard to the one-two combination of Commerce Clause and Necessary and Proper Clause, it is not clear to me whether you understand that no better use than protection of water quality could ever be found for them. The alternative to using them is not merely a less powerful government, but an incompetent government incapable of fulfilling minimal requirements for human survival. I have no trouble insisting that so feckless a result is not what the constitution prescribes.
Whatever the N&P clause implies, it can not, as is regularly asserted, render the qualifiers in grants of power in the same constitution void.
Of course the N&P clause does not render void constitutional qualifiers. They still apply fully—which is to say they apply to all subject matter not specifically addressed by the N&P clause, which is as much a part of the constitution as the qualifiers. The N&P Clause does not render qualifiers void; they do not render the N&P clause void. They apply separately, to different subject matter. And always remember the wise counsel of Chief Justice Marshall, that the N&P clause is numbered among the expansions of congressional power, not among the restrictions upon it.
Always remember that Marshall was wrong. The framers could have written the constitution differently. They could have written:
But they didn't. They inserted the words "which shall be necessary and proper":
Those words act as limitations on the power to make laws to carry into execution the other powers.
Right. And the limitations are these:
1. The necessity must be one found by congress, to accomplish an end authorized by the Constitution.
2. The means chosen may not be a useless pretext, but instead must be one suited to the task and reasonably calculated to achieve the end sought.
Have any court case that supports your interpretation of the necessary and proper cause? Because I'm pretty sure that's not how it works.
(Also, your analysis of *why* such regulation is *necessary* here seems to be missing).
My interpretation of necessity would take us far afield, into the urgently-necessary field of ecology. We need not do that here. Chief Justice Marshall set down the rule that necessity is not for the Court to determine, but for the Congress. Congress has already done that.
There it is: The insistence that any water connection, even what people internally possess if you're being logically consistent, can be regulated under the CWA.
If there are effectively no bounds to what a federal law can regulate, it's an unconstitutional grant (or grab) of power -- regardless of its supposed basis of authority. The federal government is limited to enumerated powers.
Michael P, your comment appears not to address anything I wrote.
And there has never been a moment in U.S. history where it was explicit constitutional doctrine that Congress is limited only to explicitly enumerated powers. There are even amendments to the contrary in the Constitution. The N&P clause was put there to enable use of unenumerated powers to achieve legitimately authorized constitutional ends. You are making a mistake which the historical record does not support, not at all.