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Wait, What About Roe? -- Pseudonymity and Facial Challenges to Government Action
I've blogged a lot recently about limits on pseudonymous litigation, and readers will have gathered that I think such litigation should generally not be allowed. But "generally" isn't "always" (much more on that here), nor do I think that it should be always. (I explained in my post about Doe v. Volokh why I thought the underlying case I wrote about there was rightly depseudonymized, but that had to do with particular features of that case.)
And of course we've heard of plenty of pseudonymous cases: Roe v. Wade, Doe v. Reed, Santa Fe Indep. School Dist. v. Doe, Plyer v. Doe, and more. None of those Supreme Court opinions discuss pseudonymity at length, but they're obviously open to it. What justifies pseudonymity there, where the legal rule is usually strongly against pseudonymity in other cases?
The chief distinction has to do with the key function of identifying parties' names: the ability of the public to supervise the judicial process, and to monitor whether the factfinding related to the parties is sound. And that's why courts are generally more open to pseudonymity in cases that "present[]" "purely legal … issues"—chiefly the legal validity or invalidity of a such statute (as in Roe). In such cases, the courts conclude, "there is an atypically weak public interest in knowing the litigants' identities." (That's from the Second Circuit's leading pseudonymity case, fittingly titled Sealed Plaintiff v. Sealed Defendant, as well as from the Third Circuit's Doe v. Megless.)
Likewise, to quote Publius v. Boyer-Vine (where I was one of the lawyers representing the pseudonymous Publius, though several years before I started actually focusing on pseudonymity as a topic for scholarship, blogging, or litigation),
[U]nmasking Publius at this time would deprive him of his First Amendment right to anonymous political speech …. [And] the fact that Defendant is a government entity tips the balance in Plaintiffs' favor because of the nature of this case—a legal challenge to the constitutionality of a California statute as applied to the content of Publius' speech [citing Sealed Plaintiff]…. [A]t this stage of the proceedings, the Court finds that the public's interest in this case would be best served by permitting Publius to proceed anonymously.
To be sure, even in some purely legal challenges, a plaintiff's identity might be relevant to some collateral issues (such as whether the plaintiff has standing to raise the challenge); and sometimes courts might deny pseudonymity on these grounds. Moreover, courts have sometimes asserted broadly that "the public[]" has a "legitimate interest in knowing all of the facts involved, including the identities of the parties," and that "[t]he people have a right to know who is using their courts" (see pp. 1369-70 of this article). Perhaps because of this, even when a plaintiff is mounting a legal challenge, pseudonymity isn't automatic (as the quote from Publius shows).
Nonetheless, the Sealed Plaintiff and Publius quotes help explain why pseudonymity is more likely to be available in law-focused cases involving challenges to statutes than in regular fact-heavy cases—libel lawsuits, harassment restraining order cases, and more—where the party's identity is likely to be highly relevant to the factual dispute. And, rightly or wrongly, there is a great deal of legal authority for pseudonymity in such law-focused, Roe-like cases.
Note that I blogged about this a year ago; apologies for repeating myself, but my sense is that people continue to be interested in this question.
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Again, this is completely backwards.
The only people who need to know the identity of the parties in an ordinary lawsuit are the attorneys for each side and the Court. The public at large has no interest in who owes on a credit card or who slipped and fell at Walmart.
By contrast, people who seek to change policy through the exercise of judicial power have no interest in being hidden. Take school policy for instance. How might you change a school policy you don't like? You can speak at meetings, organize parents, run for office, lobby board members or others with supervisory authority over them, speak out in public etc. Public acts to affect public policy.
But by being pseudonymous, they can invoke judicial power a from of political power, with little to no public accountability. Its no different than lobbying, except somehow the lobbyists have more rules attached regarding who they are and what they want.
And if in federal court there is zero political accountability for the decision that results.
And this all has to be viewed the context of a long history of civil rights plaintiff or activists generally not getting the benefit of being anonymous. Oliver Brown wasn't. Gavin Grimm wasn't. Jim Obergefell wasn't. Savannah Redding wasn't. Etc. Etc. Etc.
* The public are paying for the courts.
* The public are expected to back court decisions.
* There is no other way to identify vexatious litigators.
Okay, you're right. I shouldn't say "no interest," but instead a limited interest compared to those seeking large scale policy changes through the courts.
And the first two are reasons you gave mean that there should be no pseudonyms for "purely legal cases."
As to the third, there are ways for the court and parties to a lawsuit to find out if the other side is vexatious without making all case names public to all..
I was about to reply myself. The public has a huge interest in repeat suers, both individuals, and law firms which represent them.
Maybe, in the former, they are just someome unlucky. Or maybe they slip and fall deliberately.
In the latter, maybe they're just skilled or advertise well. Or maybe they are co-consiprstors, if not leading the charge with willing confederates, planting and rehearsing on how to slip.
Beyond that, lots of people have legitimate interests in the litigation history of people with whom they have prospective dealings. If I'm hitting a general contractor, I want to know if they've been sued by past customers, and how those were resolved, and the GC might want to know that about me. Similarly for employees and employers.
This applies to "purely legal disputes as well, no?" Maybe I want to know who is suing to end some policy I support so I don't do business or have social relations with them in the future.
Which "purely legal disputes" are between two private parties?
To be clear, the underlying rationale is that because the government compels defendants in lawsuits to respond and participate, being sued exposes one to potentially great expense, and a prudent person might want to minimize that risk. I don't think the same rationale applies to people who litigate over a law's validity.
It's entirely different than lobbying, the results of which routinely turn on the identity and activities of the lobbyist. But a suit holding that (say) the Obamacare mandate is unconstitutional because it exceeds the bounds of the commerce clause to mandate a purchase of a commercial product, that holding in no way turns on the plaintiff's identity.
Why should there be?
The legal decision may not necessarily "turn" on a party's identity, but the community is entitled to know who exactly is trying to change policy through non-democratic means. It is bizarre to suggest that the Medicaid coverage for millions of people can disappear under an anonymous case and the person who wanted that result can escape public scrutiny.
Judicial power is political power and its exercise or invocation ultimately must be accountable to the public. If a person doesn't want to invoke judicial power for a desire to avoid community shame, then that's a form of public accountability. If someone ever, say, wants to sue to end the Civil Rights Act, I'd like to know who that is so I can be sure to never interact with them or patronize their business.
But it's precisely because they are non-democratic means that the community doesn't need to know. If I'm lobbying the legislature for a particular result, then knowledge of my identity may be relevant to your counter-lobbying efforts. Or to changing the composition of the legislature in the next election if you're unhappy with their actions. But my identity as a litigant adds nothing. Either my legal arguments are meritorious or not, and that doesn't turn on my name.
Why? That person isn't the one who made the decision. And moreover, what would you do with that information if you had it — harass him?
A lot of chicanery can go on by plaintiffs (usually debt buyers) in credit card lawsuits. Patterns of abuse can only be uncovered if all of the cases are public. Unfortunately, the cases with the worst abuse get moved to arbitration so all of the bad acts can be swept under the rug of secrecy. This has the added benefit of stopping precedent in its tracks.
We ever going to get that article on Kennedy? No one on Volokh has written about it yet, other than a brief blurb by Blackmon.
Well, I posted some analysis a month and a half ago. (For future reference, one can find posts on the blog by searching using site:reason.com/volokh, e.g., site:reason.com/volokh kennedy bremerton.)
Good points made by folks on both sides of this issue. I'm commenting to point out that this entire question arises because of the extreme ease of access to court records that electronic court databases provide. Twenty years ago if you wanted information about a court proceeding, you had to actually go down to the courthouse and pull the file. If the case was in a different city, you just couldn't do it. So parties were always semi-anonymous. Prof. Volokh would not have found out about most of the various anonymous cases where he intervenes, back then; and the parties would not have even requested anonymity, because they would be already shielded from view of all but the most determinedly curious.
I agree; as I wrote in my article,