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Does the D.C. Bar Ethics Complaint Against Jeff Clark Implicate the Major Questions Doctrine?
In the wake of West Virginia v. EPA, it seems that "major questions" can be found almost anywhere.
In West Virginia v. EPA, the Supreme Court whole-heartedly embraced the major questions doctrine, under which agencies asserting broad regulatory powers implicating matters of exceptional economic or political significance must be able to identify a clear statement from Congress authorizing the exercise of such powers.
As a consequence of the West Virginia decision, litigants challenging governmental actions have found major questions lurking in all manner of regulatory disputes. In some cases, invocation of the major questions doctrine makes sense (see, e.g., concerns about the SEC climate disclosure rule or the student-debt forgiveness plan). In other cases, not so much.
One place one might not have expected to see the major questions doctrine pop up is in the proceedings concerning the D.C. Bar's ethics complaint against former Trump Administration Justice Department official Jeffrey Clark. In Clark's answer filed with the D.C. Court of Appeals Board on Professional Responsibility, however, the doctrine is invoked. Here is the relevant portion of the Clark's redacted filing:
22. EIGHTEENTH DEFENSE—D.C. BAR JURISDICTION WOULD VIOLATE THE MAJOR QUESTIONS DOCTRINE The D.C. Bar lacks jurisdiction over the conduct of the Respondent referred to in the Charges because 28 U.S.C. § 530B does not clearly delegate to the Department of Justice the power to confer on the District of Columbia authority to regulate lawyers serving in the Department of Justice, especially not those interacting with the President to deliberate and decide on questions that reach the President for resolution. See, e.g., West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022); Hickman v. Train, 426 U.S. 167 (1976); OLC Opinion. West Virginia establishes a clear statement rule known as the "major questions doctrine." Whether considered (1) as a class of questions (i.e., whether state and local bars can ever regulate internal Executive Branch deliberations on legal matters) or (2) an as-applied question of whether Respondent's legal advice and opinions on extant facts as rendered to the President and to his Department of Justice superiors concerning irregularities in the 2020 presidential election, major questions are presented. As such, any statute authorizing state, local, or D.C. regulation of such questions requires a clear statement from Congress delegating that power. These are major questions of both a political nature and implicate core features of federalism and/or the separation of powers. Id. at 2607-08; id. 2617, 2621 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (doctrine protects both separation of powers and federalism).
[Edited] I have some major questions about this claim.
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Yes, like "How desperate is Jeffrey Clark?"
In particular, the notion that 28 U.S.C. § 530B is needed in order for a bar to regulate lawyer conduct is completely unsupported. It's inherent in being licensed. The only purpose of that statutory provision is to avoid any possible supremacy clause arguments against the regulation of the conduct of federal government lawyers by states.
By creating the DC court of appeals as the highest DC court, under article I, Congress gave that court inherent power to regulate the lawyers it licenses. Which means it can institute any disciplinary proceedings against anyone it licenses and ultimately decide that person shouldn’t be admitted to its bar. If you’re invoking “major questions” as to whether a court can yank you’re license, you’ve completely lost the plot.
It's a Trump guy.
Their MO is throw all the shit you have against the wall and see what sticks/hope something does stick.
So...same thing as all politicians and lawyers, all the time?
No, there are ethical politicians and lawyers. Trump and company just don't happen to be among them. As a lawyer, I would frankly be too embarrassed to make some of the arguments Trump and his legal team have made. At this point I'm beginning to wonder how Trump even finds lawyers any more.
How does Trump find lawyers?
Like this.
I worked against Trump Election Litigation: Elite Strike Force. Those losers arrived in waves, each group more pathetic than its predecessor.
Which will be greater -- the number of Aaron Judge home runs this season or the number of Trump lawyers disciplined for misconduct?
The serious and yet at the same time snarky answer is, "TV."
(A month or two ago someone asked about Christina Bobb, the lawyer who falsely represented to the government that all classified material had been returned. They said, "Where did he find this one?" And I snarked, "Probably TV." And then I read her bio a few days later, and, sure enough, she had been an OANN talking head.)
Her wingnut television experience provides something for Christina Bobb to fall back on when she is disbarred.
I predict she will try to avoid disbarment by turning in her law license . . . but it won't work.
"So what. Everybody does this all the time" is even worse than simple whataboutery.
It doesn't even bother with specifics, and just makes a wildly general, unprovable, assertion, and uses it to excuse misconduct.
And you know what it reminds me of? The Eichmann trial. "I was just doing what everybody else was doing."
Yeah I saw “EIGHTEENTH DEFENSE” and my immediate thought was to ask how many defenses one needs. Once you get much past five or so you’re surely testing for what sticks.
Donnie’s minions appear to believe the “major questions” “doctrine” was invented for them. For all I know, it was; Bart O’Kavenaugh is an enthusiast, as is Witchfinder pro temp Alito.
But that’s the reason all the D-list fascists have the phrase on their lips. That's how they think they're supposed to say “The Boss sent me” in court.
Well now that didn’t take long at all.
This is part of the Soviet-style campaign of harassment and lawfare against Trump and his associates in which a legal opinion is ludicrously characterized as both a criminal conspiracy to overthrow the government and a false statement
Rosen, as an acting assistant attorney general, suggested that Georgia could send in its electoral votes certifying Biden as the winner of the election, but also send an alternate certificate certifying Trump as the winner "in case" he won his court challenges.
That is the great "conspiracy" to overthrow the election the Justice Department is breathlessly peddling currently, and that's his alleged "crime" the Justice Department thought justified sending a dozen armed agents to ransack his home. It's also what the D.C. Bar calls a "false statement", though how an opinion, no matter how far-fetched, can be false, is unclear.
I'm not sure how Rosen got into this discussion. Rosen was the one blocking Clark from his schemes. I'm not sure why you think legal advice on how to commit a crime is exempt from criminal liability.
(In two of the swing states targeted by Trump's gang, the fake electors did send in conditional electoral votes — in other words, they said, "If the election results are reversed and we are appointed as electors, here's how we'd vote." In the other five such states, the fake electors simply forged electoral vote certificates that purported to be the actual official votes.)
The bogus slates of electors in Pennsylvania and New Mexico hedged their claimed status in the manner that David Nieperont describes. This may well have saved them from criminal culpability. It also highlights the exposure of those who submitted bogus electoral slates in other states.
"Rosen, as an acting assistant attorney general, suggested that Georgia could send in its electoral votes certifying Biden as the winner of the election, but also send an alternate certificate certifying Trump as the winner 'in case' he won his court challenges."
Do you have evidence of Mr. Rosen's conduct in that regard? A link would be helpful. And FWIW, during the time in question, he was not an acting assistant attorney general; he was acting attorney general.
Thanks for providing the link. Clark is not just asserting FIFTY-FOUR defenses, he's taking the Fifth?
"2. through 31. In response to enumerated paragraphs 2 through 31, Respondent declines to answer and asserts his rights under the Fifth Amendment privilege against self- incrimination To the extent any answer is required, and preserving his Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination, Respondent generally denies all allegations of professional misconduct in paragraphs 2-31. See In re Artis, 883 A.2d 85, 93 (D.C. 2005)."
The Major Questions, History & Tradition, and Egregiously Wrong Doctrines are all transparently directed at reaching preferred outcomes.
Each of them is flawed in its own terms, but worse has been the conservative court’s willingness to select the approach to apply to a given case. Just choose the approach that’s easiest to manipulate into your preferred outcome. Is History & Tradition blatantly against you? Then it’s a Major Question!
Yes. They are just avenues to let the courts advance RW agendas. Nothing more.
This major questions doctrine seems to be a real headache for all the people acting on fake authority that they just assumed for themselves and their agency.
Now they may have to either ask Congress to act to give them real authority or stop imposing themselves on others.
LOL, no - it's someone trying to yell "You're out of order! The whole trial is out of order! They're out of order!" because they got nothing.
This authority is not fake, as was explained above a number of times. But you didn't seem to want to engage with those, just go with a narrative you liked.
Watch it -- that's my line.
And I had plenty.
Adler: "I have some major questions about this claim."
And what are they?
Has any Volokh Conspirator said a discouraging word -- or even a less-than-laudatory syllable -- about Jeffrey Bossert Clark? A number of Volokh Conspirators would know Clark -- hell, I have met him -- from his leadership position in the Federalist Society and his longtime prominence in conservative politics. Yet I do not recall a single comment concerning Clark's ugly, un-American conduct.
What a bunch of paltry cowards.
(Still waiting on the update concerning John Eastman's character, too, Prof. Volokh. What's wrong -- Trump got your tongue?)
Carry on, clingers.
(I recognize Prof. Adler might be disparaging Mr. Clark here, but it is difficult to be certain. Also, it merely addresses this shabby legal filing, not the disgusting and unprofessional underlying conduct.)
Good questions.
There is a value to asking these questions.
And perhaps some benefit from describing how often this blog uses a vile racial slur. Recently, that frequency has diminished a bit. (Still at least 11 times this year, but that is an improvement with respect to the preceding year's performance.)
If the Volokh Conspiracy decreases its revolting use of vile racial slurs because the Conspirators find my mentions of that conduct tiresome, I have accomplished something worthwhile.
If so, that would be a personal first for you!
First time I inclined someone to launch fewer racial slurs, merely by naming and shaming that person?
Probably.
Does that bother you?
I support the major questions doctrine in principle, but this is obviously a ridiculous application of it and would quite clearly be rejected. Just because someone rights something ridiculous as a defense doesn't mean it will work.
"Bar lacks jurisdiction over the conduct of the Respondent referred to in the Charges because 28 U.S.C. § 530B does not clearly delegate to the Department of Justice the power to confer on the District of Columbia authority to regulate lawyers serving in the Department of Justice, especially not those interacting with the President to deliberate and decide on questions that reach the President for resolution"
Where to you draw the line is a valid question, but these specifications are ridiculous. It doesn't really mater if someone is interacting with the president, and you can't expect the statute to add endless qualifications that mean nothing (such as "regardless of whether or not someone interacted with the president and regardless ..."). In particular, are there not other rules that look down upon such specifications, expecially when they don't add any effect to the statute?