The Volokh Conspiracy
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The "Common-Good" Manifesto
A review of Adrian Vermeule's Common Good Constitutionalism
Yesterday we posted to SSRN a draft of "The 'Common-Good' Manifesto" -- a review, forthcoming in the Harvard Law Review, of Adrian Vermeule's new book Common Good Constitutionalism. Here's the introduction:
Two prominent scholars once described a "genre" of literature—"the constitutional manifesto"—that "sits uneasily between the scholarly or theoretical analysis of constitutional law and the buzzwords of day-to-day constitutional politics." Such a work must "expound a philosophical vision of constitutional law and politics" that's intellectually serious but "nonetheless accessible to a broad audience." Not only that, it must be "politically savvy, so that it may guide a political and legal movement in particular directions over time." Yet the case for its constitutional method, "openly defended as a tactic for achieving a political agenda," can't succeed as a political matter if it also adheres to traditional academic values like "a commitment to public candor." If it tries to split the difference, the wires will show.
One of those scholars, Professor Adrian Vermeule, has now tried his own hand at the genre. Two years ago, he announced that originalism had "outlived its utility" for producing a "substantively conservative approach to constitutional law and interpretation." In Common Good Constitutionalism, he offers a new constitutional manifesto, expounding a philosophical vision that might "direct persons, associations, and society generally toward the common good." Alas, the wires still show.
Common Good Constitutionalism has been accompanied by an impressive intellectual and rhetorical campaign, and it has already been widely (if mostly skeptically) reviewed. We share the skeptical bottom line, but we worry that the book's critics have yet to cut down to the bone. What's wrong with the book is not that it advances a form of living constitutionalism, that the common good is unknowable, or that pursuing the common good will necessarily lead to untoward results. Indeed, the book highlights important strands of Founding-era and nineteenth-century legal thought, of which scholars of all stripes should take account. What's wrong with the book is that it fails to hold up at a theoretical level—either on its own terms, or as compared to the originalist approach it purports to threaten. Vermeule is a very deep thinker, working with a many-centuries-old legal tradition, yet the results are surprisingly superficial.
The problem, we think, is that the demands of a political and legal campaign and those of a constitutional theory are not the same. Though Vermeule writes with extraordinary skill, the sort of red meat that inspires a movement can, on reflection, seem rather thin gruel. Vermeule once reminded his many Twitter followers "that twitter is a dark arena of rhetorical combat, not an academic seminar. Tweet accordingly." We fear that the spirit of the dark arena has now spread to the monograph—and that the tools and techniques which serve so well in one medium turn out to be handicaps in another.
Nonetheless, we take the book seriously as an intellectual challenge, which is why we feel compelled to respond. This poses a further issue. If Common Good Constitutionalism were more straightforwardly structured, it might be easier to lay out its argument, to explain where we disagree, and then to set out the evidence that might support one position against another. Instead, communicating a full sense of the book sometimes requires careful attention to its rhetorical strategies and direct criticism of what seem to us to be failures of scholarship. Noting such failures can sound ad hominem, particularly because you, the reader, have no way of assessing them, short of reading the book yourself and deciding whether we have been fair. If these constraints lead in places to an unusually sharp tone, we apologize for its necessity.
In any event, we proceed as follows. In Part I, we take Common Good Constitutionalism on its own terms, arguing that the theory fails to support the book's hostility toward originalism, to motivate its surprising claims about outcomes, or even to offer an account of constitutionalism at all. In Part II, we argue that its chief objections to originalism are unpersuasive and already answered in the literature it cites. In Part III, we attempt a sympathetic reconstruction of the book's arguments as contributions to originalist debates, though we find them underbaked as a matter of both history and jurisprudence. In Part IV, we discuss Vermeule's political aims and their relation to the book's cult following.
You can download the whole thing here. Enjoy!
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It’s living constitutionalism except what you augure in the penumbras and emanations coming from the white spaces between the letters is a yearning to move the country in conservative directions instead of liberal ones.
Exactly. It's blatantly results-oriented, which is what the whole point of originalism is supposed to be, not "producing a "substantively conservative approach".
That’s the marketing, but in reality I have bad news as to the implementation of originalism on the bench.
But if you apply originalism after a long period of liberal results oriented living constitutionalism, wouldn't you reasonably expect the product to be "substantially conservative"? The correction is, inherently, in the opposite direction from the error, and originalism is supposed to be a correction to living constitutionalism.
But it seems to many that, in the face of decades of accumulated liberal precedent, originalism has blinked. Has accepted these accumulated precedents as unchallengeable, and thus set out to rationalize them.
In the process it ceases to be a corrective, which is really its only claim to be taken seriously.
In the face of that, it's hardly surprising that some conservatives would give up on originalism, and seek to construct a conservative version of living constitutionalism.
Brett, it was created by conservatives to challenge the status who. Your logic needs to engage with the actual history.
More importantly, your logic is tellingly flawed. By assuming some baseline against which the court rulings are liberal, you assume your conclusion.
Progressive court rulings were not liberal?
Who knew? Who knew?
You are again assuming some moderate baseline that is based in your worldview.
And that a Court that is progressive is axiomatically wrong and requires subsequent conservative results.
That’s not how courts work.
"Brett, it was created by conservatives to challenge the status who."
A status quo of the left rewriting the Constitution from the bench. That's what it was created to challenge, and if it can't bring itself to do that, what good is it?
I'm not on Vermeule's side here. My attitude would be summed up by a line from an old Western: "I'd rather have my horse shot out from under me, than shoot him myself." There's no shame in losing remotely comparable to the shame of giving up; We may lose the Constitution, in fact, we probably will, but it should not be because we gave up on it.
Vermeule has given up on it, and picked up the enemy's tools to fight them. Even if you win that way, you've lost.
In a different thread Intake issue with your soft touch on Vermeule.
My issue here is you giving virtue to originalism purely as a reaction to a liberal court.
If you want to make a social argument like that versus a moral one, you can’t assume liberal is bad or extreme and go from there.
Originalism isn't virtuous because it is a reaction to a 'liberal' court, but instead because it is the objectively correct reaction to a wrong court that happened to be wrong in a 'liberal' manner.
Not wrong in a genuinely liberal manner, of course, just in a manner calculated to advance the shifting causes of a party that likes to style itself 'liberal'.
You don't get access to what's objectively right or wrong.
Making an argument based around assuming you are objectively right is begging the question; you can prove anything from that faulty basis.
"By assuming some baseline against which the court rulings are liberal, you assume your conclusion."
Three generations of imbeciles was not liberal in any meaning of the word, but it was progressive and based on the science of eugenics and placed the interest of the state above that of the individual.
The Warren Court was not based on eugenics…
The constitution is living since you can amend it. That's pretty much it.
And it's laughable that previous commenters think reading between the lines has resulted in a conservative direction
Area man passionate defender of what he believes the Constitution to be.
But enough about Justice Douglass.
I spent a lot of my legal career as an advocate. An advocate is fortunate: he/she doesn't have to worry about what result is "right", just how to achieve the result the client desires. As the old saying goes, "If you have the facts on your side, pound the facts; if you have the law on your side, pound the law; if you have neither the facts nor the law, pound the table."
But advocates often have to be counsellors, to advise the client what the chances are that a particular course of action will place the client in legal jeapardy. The client doesn't (or certainly shouldn't) want to hear the clever argument you'll present at his criminal trial; the client wants to know what the chances are that he'll get into legal trouble if he does what he's contemplating. So you have to look closely at the statutes and regulations and cases to determine dispassionately what the legal risks of the proposed course of conduct are. You can't allow yourself to say "The law OUGHT TO BE such and such."
The lure of "living constitutionalism" is that a judge (or, particularly a Justice) can say "The law OUGHT TO BE such and such", and (if the Justice is in the majority) make it so. Originalism makes it harder to impose your view of what the law OUGHT TO BE. Compare the ratio of intellectual to emotional content in (say) Roe v. Wade with Heller v. DC. If judges and justices are going to impose their views on the rest of us, at least make them work hard to do so.
In fact, I've said that this is one of the reasons originalists surrender to precedent: It's mentally draining to both keep in mind precedent, AND keep in mind that it's wrong. It's easier to just decide it's right.