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West Virginia v. EPA: Was "Major Questions" Necessary?
A correct interpretation of the statute at issue—Section 111(d) of the Clean Air Act—does not give the EPA the authority to issue the sort of regulations at issue in the case.
The Supreme Court held in West Virginia v. EPA that the federal agency did not have authority to adopt what amounted to a cap-and-trade system for existing fossil-fueled power plants because this raised a "major question" of "economic and political significance" as to which Congress had not clearly delegated authority to the EPA. But a close reading of the relevant statute, Section 111 of the Clean Air Act, indicates that the EPA has no authority to issue legally binding emissions standards for existing stationary sources—period.
So the Court did not have to create a novel legal doctrine to limit the authority of the Biden Administration to adopt something like the Clean Power Plan. It could have reached the same result simply by paying close attention to the language of the statute that purportedly granted such authority. This second of five guest blog posts on the decision makes this case (here was the first one, suggesting that the decision was an advisory opinion).
We need to know a bit about the statute: When Congress adopted the modern form of the Clean Air Act in 1970, the central regulatory mechanism was a classic exercise in cooperative federalism. The Act required the EPA, in Section 109, to promulgate National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS), setting forth permissible limits on the ambient concentration of certain key air pollutants. Once these NAAQS were established, the states were required, under Section 110, to develop State Implementation Plans (SIPs), setting forth a strategy for achieving the federal standards.
The federal agency was directed to review the SIPs to make sure they were adequate, and if a state utterly failed to promulgate an adequate SIP, the EPA could step in and promulgate a plan for the state. But the core idea was that the federal government would set the air quality standards and the states would have substantial discretionary authority to develop a regulatory plan to meet these standards, taking into account the circumstances of each state.
The Act also gave the EPA authority to set direct control standards on sources in a number of situations, including emissions standards for hazardous air pollutants and for mobile sources like automobiles. And, of relevance to the issue in West Virginia, Congress gave the EPA authority, in Section 111, to establish direct controls on certain categories of new stationary sources discharging pollutants that can endanger public health and welfare.
Having instructed the EPA to establish the NAAQS and having authorized the EPA to create direct emissions standards for hazardous pollutants and mobile sources, why did Congress also give EPA authority to regulate new stationary sources? The answer is grounded in industrial policy rather than environmental policy.
Many members of Congress were concerned that states with relatively clean air would use the discretion they enjoyed in establishing SIPs to set relatively lax environmental standards, in an effort to induce industry to relocate to the state. To prevent this outflow of industry from dirty air states to clean air states, Congress directed the EPA to establish mandatory emissions standards for new stationary sources of air pollution that would apply everywhere in the Nation. Since new sources would have to comply with these standards anywhere, there would be no incentive to relocate for environmental reasons.
A glance at Section 111 confirms that the overwhelming focus is on new sources. The section is titled "Standards of Performance for New Stationary Sources," and most subsections deal exclusively with new and modified sources. Only one subsection—Section 111(d)—addresses existing stationary sources. Indeed, it is a bit of a puzzle as to why existing sources were mentioned at all in Section 111. Until the Obama Administration adopted the Clean Power Plan, subsection (d) rested in unremarked obscurity.
In any event, the key point for present purposes is that the EPA is given very different authority to regulate new stationary sources as opposed to existing sources. Under Section 111(b)(1)(B), which applies to new sources, EPA is instructed to "promulgate" (and periodically revise) "standards of performance" for new sources. The statute expressly requires that these EPA-promulgated standards be developed using notice-and-comment rulemaking, which is required under the Administrative Procedure Act when agencies issue legally binding legislative rules.
In contrast, under Section 111(d), EPA is instructed to "prescribe regulations which shall establish a procedure similar to that provided by [Section 110] under which each State shall submit to the Administrator a plan which . . . establishes standards of performance for any existing source for any air pollutant [subject to exceptions]." Note that, under subsection (d), it is the states, not the EPA, that "establis[h]" the "standards of performance." EPA's authority is to establish procedural regulations about the manner in which the states are to submit to the EPA the standards they are establishing.
There is no mention of notice-and-comment rulemaking in Section 111(d). Procedural regulations are exempt from notice-and-comment under the APA. But substantive regulations having the force of law generally are not. All of this confirms that the EPA was not given authority to issue binding nationwide standards in this context.
Note, too, that subsection (d) expressly analogizes the state standards for existing sources to the SIPs that the states establish under Section 110. As with the SIPs, the EPA is instructed to review the state standards to see if they are "satisfactory," and if a state utterly defaults, EPA is given authority to prescribe a federal standard in the state for existing stationary sources. But EPA's authority is limited to reviewing the specific plans developed by each state, and it can override these plans only on a finding that a specific state plan is unsatisfactory.
The conclusion is inescapable that EPA has no delegated authority to establish legally binding rules that establish, on a nationwide basis, standards of performance for existing stationary sources. This straightforward reading of the statute provides an ample basis for concluding that the Obama EPA had no authority to issue the Clean Power Plan. For that matter, the Trump EPA had no authority to issue the Affordable Clean Energy rule either.
In the regulatory proceedings developing the CPP the Obama EPA offered only one statutory argument in support of its authority to impose a binding standard of performance on all existing power plants. The Act, in its current incarnation, defines "standard of performance" to mean the "best system of emission reduction" (BSER) which "the Administrator [of the EPA] determines has been adequately demonstrated." 42 U.S.C. 7411(a)(1). The same term – "standard of performance"—appears in both section 111(b)(1)(B), delegating authority to EPA to "promulgate" standards for new sources, and in section 111(d), directing the states to submit plans establishing standards of performance for existing sources. But the determination by the EPA that a standard has been "adequately demonstrated" can be made ex post, when the EPA reviews the standards set by each state, as well as ex ante, in promulgating national standards for new sources. There is no language in the statute suggesting that EPA must determine which standards of performance have been adequately demonstrated in advance of the states exercising their authority to establish standards of performance for existing sources, let alone making such standards legally binding.
Although the EPA has no authority to issue binding regulations setting emissions standards for existing sources, presumably it has the authority to issue guidance documents ("general statements of policy") setting forth its advice to the states about how to regulate existing sources. But if EPA followed a practice of disapproving state plans for failure to conform to EPA's advice, the agency would be vulnerable to having a court characterize its advice as a binding rule that it has no statutory authority to make.
There is no mention in West Virginia of EPA's delegation deficit under Section 111(d). Quite to the contrary, Chief Justice Roberts, in setting forth the statutory and regulatory background of the case, completely endorsed EPA's view of its authority under section 111(d):
"Although the States set the actual rules governing existing power plants, EPA itself still retains the primary regulatory role in Section 111(d). The Agency, not the States, decides the amount of pollution reduction that must ultimately be achieved. It does so by again determining, as when setting the new source rules, "the best system of emission reduction…that has been adequately demonstrated for [existing covered] facilities." The States then submit plans containing the emissions reductions that they intend to adopt and enforce in order not to exceed the permissible level of pollution established by EPA." West Virginia, 142 S.Ct. 2587, 2601-02 (citations to regulations omitted).
This passage will be quoted with glee by EPA in any future controversy over its authority to issue binding nationwide regulations on existing sources of pollution. This is highly ironic. In its eagerness to adopt the "major questions" doctrine designed to limit the type of regulation agencies can adopt without clear congressional approval, the Court ratifies a conception of EPA's authority over existing sources that is not supported by a careful reading of the statute.
All of which suggests the desirability, to which I will return in the last entry (after the forthcoming third and fourth posts), of courts carefully considering the actual authority delegated to agencies, as opposed to ruminating about "major questions."
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Was it necessary? No. Apparently one more conservative principle that conservatives have now abandoned is the idea that judicial decisions should be as narrow as possible. Overturning Roe wasn't necessary to decide Dobbs. Major questions wasn't necessary to decide this case. But apparently right-wing judicial activism is more important to the majority than actually abiding by conservative principles such as narrow judicial decisions.
Do conservatives actually have any principles left, and if so, which will be the next to go?
Was the lower court ruling justified? No. Apparently one more time that leftists make decisions based on outcome-based whims rather than rules or principles.
Did leftists ever have any principles? Of course not!
Making decisions based on outcome-based whims is a principle, so you refute your own claim. Not that I'm agreeing that's what liberal judges do, but try to make your silly arguments at least internally consistent.
Whims are not principles. I suggest you visit a local library and ask them to teach you how to use the dictionary.
Unlike conservatives and their totally-principled "major questions doctrine", which turns on whether a "judicial eyebrow has been raised." Much principles, very rigorous and not at all malleable to advance policy preferences!
There are no “conservative principles.” Never has been. There is only conservative game-playing, campaign slogans, and demagoguery.
This doesn't sound like a conservative principle. This sounds like a goal-oriented one AKA situational ethics, to be abandoned as no longer this shining principle when it gets in your way. You know, conservatives! Like you (rightly) accuse the other side of all the time!
Here's a solid guiding principle, born from the study of murderous, dictatorial, corrupt human history, used as a primary design requirement for the Constitution: Do not let government expand its own power at its own whim.
It never ceases to amaze me those who scream themselves purple with "Democracy uber alles!" are so keen to cast off direct democratic control over controversial things. Why the hell do you think democracy has value?
Except we don't have democracy -- Kansas cancels New York in the Senate and the electoral college has twice in the last five elections given the presidency to the popular vote loser. Give us democracy and liberals will be able to accomplish their goals legislatively. But I'm guessing you don't want to do that.
That aside, narrow decision making is an originalist principle, straight out of the Article III case or controversy requirement. If a decision is broader than it needed to be, it's an advisory opinion and there's no case or controversy.
" Kansas cancels New York in the Senate and the electoral college has twice in the last five elections given the presidency to the popular vote loser. "
There is no national popular vote in Presidential elections.
There is, it just doesn't count.
My underlying point is that conservatives love to bash liberals for not doing things democratically, while ignoring that our anti-democratic system precludes them from doing so. It's a very hypocritical argument. Either give us democracy, or stop criticizing us for not using democracy.
I think that misses the point. It isn't about whether or not something is done democratically, it is whether or not it is done Constitutionally which sometimes allows a pure democratic process, and sometimes it doesn't.
I think where many conservatives take umbrage is where we perceive Democrats as thinking popular will overrides what is Constitutionally allowed and that everything is up for a vote, regardless of any Constitutional restrictions to the contrary.
The whole point of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights is to restrict what government can do no matter how much popular support or outcry.
And conservatives and liberals talk past each other because we disagree about what is constitutionally allowed. It's not that popular will overrides the Constitution as that we disagree with you on what the Constitution means, and wish you would stop pretending there is only one right answer as to what the Constitution means.
You are entitled to your opinion that small government is the best government, but that is, at bottom, simply a policy preference. There are legitimate arguments on the other side. And my view is that neither side should have its policy preferences cast in constitutional concrete. You want small government, you should have to convince a majority of your fellow citizens on election day.
The thing is in many cases one only need read the Federalst Papers to know the manifest intent behind the Constitution's text and that any significant deviation from that are justification for the Amendment process.
Granted this is just an opinion but I think that would be a far more consistent approach than creative reading of the text to find some new previously hidden meaning.
I may think it's a great idea that everyone has a fresh clean pair of underwear each week but the General Welfare Clause doesn't provide for it no matter how you read it as an example.
And I will grant that that would certainly be one way to interpret the Constitution. But have you actually looked at the alternative ways? From conservatives, I see much hand waving about inventing new meaning and judicial whims, but little real indication that you (meaning your side, not you personally) has made any real effort to actually understand the theory behind living constitutionalism. I flatly disagree with your position, but at least I understand it; I'm far from convinced that originalists as a group have a good grasp of the basic tenets of living constitutionalism.
That aside, you would be hard pressed to find a group of people with values more totally out of touch with modern American values than the framers. Many of them were slaveholders; probably none of them thought women or blacks should vote or serve on juries; and they drafted a document specifically designed to ensure that the wealthy would govern in perpetuity. Please explain to me why their concept of good government is something we should even care about? We don't take medical advice from George Washington's doctors (who probably killed him), so why should we be beholden to the views of his contemporaries as to what is good governance?
You have to be mighty dumb or dishonest to claim Kansas cancels out New York in the electoral college.
You have to be mighty dumb or dishonest to claim that's what Krychek said.
Except we don't have democracy -- Kansas cancels New York in the Senate and the electoral college has twice in the last five elections given the presidency to the popular vote loser.
The sentence does not end with the word "college."
Krychek is a zealot who gets ridiculous when his side loses and twists logic unnaturally to try to make things fit his worldview. This article explicitly states that Congress did not grant the EPA authority to do what they did and Krychek does not care. “I want done what I want done and screw the law”.
Did you read the dissent?
The entire point of this article is that a) the court didn’t need to do the “major questions” thing because b) the CAA itself precluded the EPA from doing what it did.
You’re all over “a” while completely discarding “b”. Your argument has no basis in anything. Throw away the major questions thing? Fine. What the EPA ordered had no basis in law because it was beyond the authority granted them by the legislature.
Either way, the decision was the right outcome.
Whether the court needed to do the major questions thing is, I think, an easy no. Whether the CAA itself precluded the EPA from doing what it did is not so easy; that's a question on which reasonable minds can differ. Six justices thought yes, three thought no. If it's as clear as you seem to think it should have been unanimous.
Not only is there no national popular vote, there also is no indication it would come out the same if there was.
I can tell you as a conservative voter in a deep blue state I'd take my vote a lot more seriously in terms of not voting for 3rd party candidates or blowing off voting if I thought there was more of a chance my vote mattered.
And candidates certainly don't spend anywhere near the time or energy they would in NY and California, or Texas for that matter where the electoral vote isn't in question.
You can't run an election under one system and just assume the results would be different under another system.
Whether it would come out the same, at least the people would have chosen their own president.
Of course we don't have a democracy. Never have had one, never intended to. We have a republic, a representative democracy.
It's not the federal government that created the states. It's the states that created the federal government. Doing so, they ceded some, but certainly not all of their sovereign powers. Hence, the Senate and the Electoral College.
But if you think the time is right to establish a full on democracy, go ahead, amend the Constitution. Or try.
I think the time is right for conservatives to stop making the argument that liberals need to accomplish things through the democratic process when there is no democratic process.
What is your problem with reading comprehension? We do not have and never intended to have a 'pure' or popular democracy. We have a republic - a 'representative' democracy. Therefore, the "democratic process" does not mean anything like what you are trying to claim it means.
What's your insistence on talking about every point except the one I actually made? No one is disputing that we don't have a pure democracy, and I'm not even sure a pure democracy would be possible. But that's not the same as institutions designed to dilute the urban vote, which is what we do have. And if you are going to dilute one side's vote, you can't then fairly tell it to win democratic elections if it wants to implement policy.
Maybe modify their political positions to appeal to a wider proportion of the country. Like they did up until just a few years ago. If you tailor your platform to appeal to only the cities, you can't expect to win everywhere.
So it's not 'be more popular' it's 'be more popular in the swing states this system makes extra important.'
You do see how that's kind of a perverse incentive, right?
What baloney. There is a Constitutional process. It was never meant to be a democratic process. Get help for your monomania.
Krychek, this article specifically makes the point that the EPA was violating the law that they were supposed to be enforcing. They weren't just making up new provisions, they were acting contrary to its specific language.
You're saying it's judicial activism to stop that practice?
Regulatory agencies have gone way beyond their mandates severely and repeatedly. It's time someone stepped up and stopped this crap.
Bevis, the article makes the *allegation* that the EPA was violating the law; something I am far from convinced is true. Did you read the dissent?
It explicitly goes through the basis of that allegation.
Never accept that you’re wrong when you can simply make a fool of yourself instead.
Did you read the dissent?
Does the dissent represent the Supreme Court's decision?
This is like suggesting someone read all the dissents in Obergefell. Personally I think they're correct in criticizing Kennedy's reasoning, but it doesn't change the outcome.
Krychek thinks we should let the president-king order the agencies to do whatever he/she wants done. Except when the republicans are president of course.
When the Democrats are in the White House, why even waste money on a congress at all?
The dissent indicates that there is a difference of opinion as to whether the EPA was acting outside the law.
It’s certainly a dependable conclusion because unlike the conservative justices that you deplore, liberal justices never have a political ax to grind.
Did I say liberal justices never have an axe to grind?
If overturning Roe wasn't necessary to deciding Dobbs why did the Solicitor General's brief say that the court could not uphold Dobbs without overruling Roe?
"For much the same reasons, this Court should also reject petitioners’ purportedly more modest alternative arguments for upholding the Act while nominally maintaining some constitutional protection for abortion. Both alternatives would still require the Court to overrule the central holding of Roe and Casey by rejecting the viability rule."
You don't think the views Solicitor General of the United States deserves some deference. Or that it's "unprincipled" to even consider her views?
The solicitor general is entitled to his opinion. The issue in Dobbs was whether a 15 week ban was constitutional. Answering that question did not require revisiting Roe.
It's not just her opinion, she is presenting the opinion of the Department of Justice representing the United States.
And I'll point out the Supreme Court added the United States to the case and gave Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar time to argue the Governments case before the court.
So you're now confusing the position of the Justice Department with indubitable fact? Does that apply to every other position the Justice Department has taken over the past 200 years; once the Justice Department takes a position, that's it, it's decided?
The "major question doctrine " is just a new name for a long running issue which boils down to whether Congress enacted a law that provides that statutory authority for the executive branch to do what the executive branch wants to do.
No, it's a whole new carveout of the usual delegation doctrine that creates a higher standard for certain things based on the Court's own judgement.
That's not a long-running issue.
With only a couple small pieces left to fall in place we are now in the endgame of the foolish and ultimately destructive decades-long desire/effort to cripple the so-called “administrative state.” To this end, the court absolutely had to “create a novel legal doctrine to limit the authority of the Biden Administration to adopt something like the Clean Power Plan.” And what a novel legal doctrine it is! If you love the squishiness and slipperiness of “originalism” you’re going to absolutely adore “the major questions doctrine.”
We love democracy!
Until we don't.
It's funny people use democracy to hand off lawmaking to the executive, where it's now stripped of congressional control in any meaningful sense, to avoid democracy!
And the prize? An executive who speaks the law into existence (laws are things you go to jail for, and pay heavy fines), which is the dictate part of dictator.
And then, here's a real kicker: accuse your opponents of loving fascist strong men!
The law says they can't. You know, the one the Biden administration swore to enforce. Does stuff like that even matter to you, or do you just want your President-King to do whatever he wants?
What law?
The Clean Air Act. It’s explained in the article you presumably just read.
That is the entire question in the case!
You don't get to ding the Biden admin for not abiding by a ruling that just came out, and made new law.
Fair point. I shouldn’t ding the Biden administration for Obama’s malfeasance. One ding for Obama!
It wasn't malfeasance, it was absolutely within the expected power of the EPA until this case.
This retroactive condemnation is some bullshit.
Sure it was, if you ignore the fact that the law itself explicitly said it wasn’t.
No. The OP says that, but the OP is an opinion piece. It uses the language of certainty, but more to advocate than any kind of objective analysis.
The very fact that this case made it to the Supreme Court means whatever you and the OP think is clear and explicit was not.
It is *now* I agree.
The op is a legal analysis.
Whatever. My father in law passed away overnight so I’m having trouble generating a lot of give a shit here.
Sorry to hear that.
Hardly an endgame. Saying that Congress needs to expressly authorize an agency where really big stuff is concerned may or may not be correct legally, and it may or may not have been necessary to decide this case.
But putting some limits on the ability of administrative agencies to re-interpret longstanding old laws in order to do completely new things hardly spells the end of the “administrative state.” Somewhat cabining admistrative discretion hardly ends it. Some trees are shaking and some acorns are falling to the ground. But sky isn’t falling.
That rather depends on how the Court decides to employ this doctrine. As of right now, there is no clear limit on what is 'major.'
Prof. Merrill has provided lucid, intelligent, well-thought-out argument.
So you agree that the EPA does not have the authority to regulate/restrict power generation based on carbon emission?
It does have that authority, per Massachusetts v. EPA.
...Do you know what WV v. EPA is about?
I would await opposing argument before attempting to reach a reliable conclusion.
So far, this is like reading a single brief.
He’s saying that the Clean Air Act gives the EPA significantly less statutory power to regulate existing facilities than the Court’s most conservative members would interpret. I’m surprised you’re so quick to agree with him on that.
Describing an argument is worthy does not constitute embrace of the proposed conclusion.
Think of a case ably briefed and argued on each side.
EPA admins and bureaucrats, however, are specifically not.