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Ninth Circuit Concludes Arizona Has Standing to Challenge Conditions on COVID Relief Funds
Language in the American Rescue Plan Act prohibits states from using the funds "directly or indirectly" to offset lost revenues from tax cuts.
In March 2021, Congress enacted the American Rescue Plan Act, providing almost $200 billion to the states in pandemic relief funding. As is usual, the money came with strings attached. One ARPA provision prohibits states from using the funds "directly or indirectly" to offset lost revenues from tax cuts. Multiple state objected to this condition, arguing it is both coercive and ambiguous, though they still accepted the money.
A half-dozen suits were filed by states challenging the ARPA provision. The federal government responded by arguing, among other things, that the states lacked standing to challenge this provision. Some district courts accepted this argument. Some others, including one here in Ohio, did not.
Earlier today, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit concluded that Arizona has Article III standing to challenge the ARPA provision. Judge Gould wrote the opinion for the court, joined by Judge Bennett. Judge Nelson concurred. This decision in Arizona v. Yellen is the first federal appellate court decision to resolve this question.
Here is how Judge Gould summarizes his opinion:
It is well established that Congress has the power pursuant to the Spending Clause to pass legislation authorizing federal grants to the States that come with strings attached. For the most part, cases challenging Spending Clause legislation come to us arising from a specific dispute between the federal government and the recipient of federal funds. Usually, the federal government will claim that the recipient violated a condition that Congress placed on the federal grant and demand repayment. The recipient, in turn, will claim that the condition on the funds violates the limits of the Spending Clause, as enumerated in South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203 (1987).
This appeal, however, requires us to decide whether a State has standing to challenge the constitutionality of Spending Clause legislation before a specific and concrete dispute arises between grantor and grantee. We hold that Arizona has standing to challenge the American Rescue Plan Act, 42 U.S.C. § 802(c)(2)(A), ("ARPA" or "the Act"), both because there is a realistic danger of ARPA's enforcement, and because there is a justiciable challenge to the sovereignty of the State, which alleges infringement on its authority to set tax policy and its interest in being free from coercion impacting its tax policy.
Judge Nelson disagreed on the former argument, but agreed on the latter.
Here is more from Judge Gould's opinion, discussing the injury to Arizona's sovereign interests:
Arizona seizes upon several of these limitations to bring a facial challenge—or so we interpret—to ARPA's Offset Provision. To Arizona, the inherent limitations on Congress's power to "lay and collect Taxes" and "provide for the . . . general Welfare of the United States," U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1, create constitutionally-imposed and enforceable criteria that "contractual" funding offers from the federal government must meet. When Congress does not meet one of these criteria, and say, extends a federal grant with ambiguous or coercive terms to the States, Arizona contends that this offer offends state sovereignty and gives rise to a cognizable injury in fact. We agree. . . .
Arizona has alleged sufficiently concrete and particularized harms to its ability to exercise its sovereign prerogatives, intangible as those prerogatives may be. Just as a contract can be challenged under state law for containing ambiguous terms or being a product of duress, so too do we think that the quasicontractual funding offer at issue here can be challenged by Arizona at the outset for offering conditions that are
unconstitutionally ambiguous or coercive. . . .
An appeal of the aforementioned Ohio decision is also pending in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. We'll see if the Sixth Circuit agrees with the Ninth.
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The general goal of this condition, as I understood from discussions at the time, was to try to coerce states that were maintaining a low tax, low spending government model into actually increasing spending. This would create constituencies for the higher spending, and when the relief funds went away, it would be politically difficult to avoid keeping the spending level, and raising taxes to support it.
Democrats have long wanted to do something about lower spending states, because their low tax environment is economically attractive to a lot of industries.
Strange how common sense flies out the window when conspiracy gibberish takes over. Please try this on for size, Brett: Congress wanted extra pandemic relief funding to go to people who needed pandemic relief - not laundered into tax cuts with no additional benefit for those suffering from the pandemic. Isn't that so clear, simple & logical?
Tax cuts have no additional benefit to those suffering from the pandemic? How do you figure that? What do you think all the advance tax credits were for?
No, tax cuts are not the solution to everything.
Plus, how do you think states usually target their tax cuts? Do you think it's to those who are most impacted by the pandemic?
Tax cuts are infinitely better than the criminal racket of the government taking their large cut of the people's money before "generously" distributing some it back to them.
Ideologically blinkered claptrap.
But actual economic statistics indicate otherwise. We know stimulus works. And it's quick and thus easily targeted to be countercyclical.
Tax cuts as stimulus the data is much muddier. If anything, they are counter-correlated with GDP growth.
And where do they go to? Look at the Trump tax cut, that wasn't sold as trickle-down nonsense, but it might as well have been for how it was structured!
But who cares about actual reality, low taxes is an inherent good, government is inherently evil, and anything that complicates that smooth reality is to be ignored or denied.
On the other hand, this means that the next (Republican) president and Congress cannot use a similar mechanism to encourage high tax states to restrain their stationary bandit tendencies.
...Like take these subsidies but only if you lower your taxes? How do you think that spending burden lines up?
Did you think this through for even a moment?
In fact it was to coerce the states to use the money for the purposes that it was approved for, and not as a windfall to cover the huge holes states like AZ have blown into their budgets.
so now cutting taxes, returning money to the people who paid it, is money laundering.
at least with a tax cut we are less likely to have experienced the levels of fraud associated with the many covid relief programs.
Dude - this money didn't come from the taxpayers of the state, it came from the Feds. It's not returning anything.
at least with a tax cut we are less likely to have experienced the levels of fraud associated with the many covid relief programs.
Do you have numbers for that? I know the standards for the business programs were way too lax, but that's not the same as fraud.
Plus, of course, tax policy is not exactly free from corruption.
"Dude - this money didn't come from the taxpayers of the state, it came from the Feds. It's not returning anything."
Because the feds have a magic money tree, rather than getting all of their money from taxes on, and loans backed by, the same people who live in the states.
He thinks before he posts things, of course.
It's not returning anything. If it were state taxes, sure, but as it is it's rich states subsidizing poor ones.
Which I'm fine with, but don't pretend it's some kind of return of money in a pay-in-pay-out fashion, that's ridiculous.
Presumably Arizona was aware of the condition when they applied for and accepted the money that was specifically intended to help Arizonans in the pandemic. Accepting money given for one purpose but knowing you intend to use it for something else is “bad faith” to say the least.
Giving people money, good, not taking it from them to begin with, bad?
Come on, Brett. You may not like government spending, but you don't get to ignore it and pretend taxes are just a pure taking.
If we're discussing sending somebody a check, or reducing their taxes, why is the former preferable?
It's not. Or rather, it depends on the circumstances.
Do you mean ceteris parabus to stimulate the economy?
Spending is good for 2 reasons:
1) Swiftness of effect - countercylical spending has an immediate effect. Tax cuts gotta wait till tax time, and then oftentimes flow from purchases made throughout the year.
2) Targeting the effect. Have you seen the income profile of the past few tax cuts? Pretty regressive! Weird how tax cuts always help the wealthy.
And if you try and tune it more, congrats on complicating the tax code further.
Government spending, on the other hand, can be supportive by targeting impacted cohorts, or simulative, by targeting impacted businesses. Or generally both.
Tax cuts have their place, of course, but not when it comes to stimulus.
"Tax cuts gotta wait till tax time, and then oftentimes flow from purchases made throughout the year."
Sales taxes can drop overnight. For income taxes, you can add a provision for a default, opt out change to withholding. Or taxes can change not one bit, and the incoming money just compensate for lost revenue due to covid disruptions.
This was actually widely discussed at the time of enactment: It was seen as an effort to force low spending states to become high spending states. Not really different in concept from the mortgage tax deduction change pushed through by the Republicans to push high tax states in the opposite direction.
Since nobody else is discussing the standing issue, I'll discuss it. I think the Court is right, even though I favored the provision in the legislation. This isn't even a close question- of course if a state is prohibited by federal mandate to implement a policy it wishes to implement, the state suffers a redressable injury. Arizona's argument may be right or wrong on the merits, but it should have the right to present it.