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Thoughts on Vega v. Tekoh, the Pending Miranda Case Before SCOTUS: The Precedent Question
Part One of a series.
Next week, the Supreme Court will hear argument in Vega v. Tekoh, a case about Miranda rights. I flagged a super-interesting historian's amicus brief in the case last week, and I wanted to offer some broader thoughts. I plan to break down my thoughts into a few posts. In this post, I wanted to start with the first question in Tekoh as a matter of precedent. If you take the Court's seriously, which way do the cases take you?
You'll recall, from my prior post, that this is the case asking if a plaintiff has a civil remedy against an officer under 42 U.S.C. 1983 for obtaining a statement inadmissible under Miranda that was later admitted. The case raises two issues. First, is a civil remedy available in such circumstances? Second, who can be sued if this happens?
In this post, I want to explain why I think that, as a matter of precedent, the Ninth Circuit got it right. Under the Court's caselaw, the wrongful admission of a statement made in violation of Miranda violates a person's Fifth Amendment rights and should be actionable under 42 U.S.C. 1983. In future posts, I hope to take on other aspects of the case, such as the causation question.
On to the analysis. As a matter of precedent, it seems to me that the first question has a clear answer that was provided correctly in Judge Eric Miller's typically excellent opinion for the Ninth Circuit below. The logical chain runs like this:
- Chavez v. Martinez indicates through its various opinions that the Miranda violation is complete when a statement is wrongly admitted in violation of Miranda's rules;
- Dickerson v. United States holds that Miranda is a constitutional rule, not some sort of supervisory decision; and
- 42 U.S.C. 1983 provides that a person who "causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law."
Put those three steps together, and there's a constitutional cause of action for a wrongful admission of a statement.
As I understand the officer's argument, especially in the newly-filed reply brief, the main counter is to challenge point 2, that Miranda is a constitutional rule. At least, sort of. Vega treats Miranda as both a constitutional decision and not part of the constitution at all. Miranda is a constitutional decision in the sense that Dickerson said it was, and it applied in Dickerson, which involved a motion to suppress. But Miranda is not part of the constitution at all other than that, in the officer's view, because there are a lot of decisions, especially pre-Dickerson, calling Miranda "prophylactic."
In Vega's view, a "prophylactic" rule is assumed to be a rule that isn't actually part of the constitution at all, as compared to a rule required by the constitution to protect the underlying constitutional right. So you end up, in Vega's telling, with Miranda being both a constitutional decision and not part of the constitution at the same time. Miranda ends up as a rule of evidence for constitutional purposes, but not something that can support a civil suit for constitutional purposes.
To me this seems a pretty odd position. It's constitutional law as quantum physics: Miranda becomes like light, which is both a wave and a particle. Of course, I get the subtext. If the current Supreme Court had decided Dickerson anew, a majority of the current Court very well might have gone the other way and said Miranda was merely a supervisory powers case that can be nullified by legislation. As a tactical matter, then, an argument that doesn't make much sense here might very well work: If you don't think Miranda was on solid ground, then maybe a weird argument that limits it is more appealing than a good argument that doesn't. So I get that.
But as a matter of precedent, it seems to me that Dickerson said what Dickerson said. Unless you want to overturn Dickerson, which Vega isn't asking the Court to do, you have to treat it as the constitutional decision it said it was. And it seems to me that Dickerson ultimately rejected the underlying premises of Vega's argument, and a lot of what Vega is arguing was settled the other way by Dickerson.
Vega presents a different picture, of course. Vega tries to make post-Dickerson caselaw look inconsistent with the natural reading of Dickerson. For example, Vega suggests that the Court treated Miranda as "prophylactic" even after Dickerson in cases like Chavez and Patane. Putting aside the debate over just what "prophylactic" means (and here's a very good article by David Strauss on how useless a term that is), I don't think it's right to suggest that the Court treated Miranda rules as not part of the Fifth Amendment after Dickerson.
Here's what happened, it seems to me. Following Dickerson, Justices Thomas and Scalia, the two Dickerson dissenters, continued writing Miranda opinions using the basic framing of their Dickerson dissent. In some of the cases, there were five votes for the results Justices Thomas and Scalia reached. Presumably, Chief Justice Rehnquist assigned Justice Thomas to try to write the majority opinion in those cases. But Justice Thomas didn't get a majority. So he ended up wring a plurality opinion in Patane, joined by Rehnquist and Scalia, as well as a judgment of the Court in Chavez joined in relevant part only by Rehnquist.
Vega's reply brief relies a lot on those Thomas opinions. They get treated as authoritative guides to the true meaning of Dickerson, and thus the true meaning of Miranda. But from the standpoint of precedent, it seems to me, they're just the views of three Justices that didn't command a majority of the Court. And given that their language often echoes the Dickerson dissent, they seem like puzzling guides to understand the majority opinion in Dickerson.
In his reply brief, Vega suggests that the fact that Chief Justice Rehnquist signed to to these opinions post-Dickerson is meaningful because, although Justices Scalia and Thomas dissented in Dickerson, Chief Justice Rehnquist wrote the Dickerson majority opinion. "Any doubt about what the Court meant in Dickerson is resolved," Vega says, "by how its author—Chief Justice Rehnquist—subsequently treated Miranda in Chavez." By joining the opinion in Chavez that said Miranda was prophylactic, Vega says, Rehnquist must have signaled the true meaning of Dickerson: "There is no reason to credit Tekoh's interpretation of Dickerson over Chief Justice Rehnquist's."
But c'mon. Majority opinions of the Supreme Court are not the property of their individual authors. They do not have secret meanings later uncovered by what their authors individually later said or signed on to. The opinions have to stand on their own. That's particularly relevant here given that claims have been made that Chief Justice Rehnquist didn't really mean what he said in Dickerson. I don't know if that accusation is true. But whether it is true or false, Rehnquist's later actions can't somehow undo what the Opinion of the Court he authored in Dickerson actually said or means.
If you take precedent seriously, it seems to me, Dickerson answered the first question of Tekoh in Tekoh's favor.
Full disclosure: I have previously discussed this case with counsel for Tekoh, although of course all views here are entirely my own.
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"...So you end up, in Vega's telling, with Miranda being both a constitutional decision and not part of the constitution at the same time. ..."
Schrödinger's Bill of Rights???
(Man; and I thought the Rule Against Perpetuities made my head spin!)
Rather, once lawyers start analyzing a substantive right, it ends up looking like a procedural one.
The poisoned fruit of the forbidden tree is just more lawyer denial of reality. The admission, if verified by physical evidence, should be admitted. The defendant should be able to sue the police for the trivial damage from the admission. The damage from the admission was the crime, which the defendant should have avoided.
Worse than not Mirandizing the person is the implantation of false memories by the police. In 25% of exoneration cases in death penalty cases involved a fake confession, with details only known to the killer. All interrogation should be recorded. Implanting a false memory is police malpractice. The police and their employer, the prosecutor, should be held liable for deviations from professional standards of due care. Expert can attest to the deviation after review of recordings.
The absolute immunity of the prosecutor is an abomination. It justifies violence in formal logic, and should be ended by a statute.
Waterboarding causes no harm. It is the most effective pressured interrogation tool. It should be permitted for high stakes interrogation of terrorists and murderers.
Interrogators will offer you coffee to be friendly and social. After 20 minutes, you will not be able to STFU. Caffeine is the real fruit of the poisoned tree. The oblivious lawyer dumbass just doesn't know anything.
Appellate courts have the power to stay execution of judgment, award restitution, etc., even without a rule empowering them to do so. It is their inherent power “in aid of their appellate jurisdiction”. Otherwise they would have no real power at all. A decision reversing a judgment would be just a piece of paper if the winner in the trial court had levied the funds and then absconded.
Without Miranda warnings, the Fifth Amendment guarantee against self incrimination would be just a piece of paper.
That last sentence doesn't follow at all. One can still exercise one's right to remain silent without the police announcing that one has the right to remain silent. I mean, Miranda doesn't even apply in non-custodial situations, but the fifth amendment guarantee itself still does.
See my response below.
But people remained silent all the time before Miranda, and they continue to remain silent all the time today, even when they're (properly or improperly) not advised.
Regardless of whether or not Miranda is a good policy, I have trouble seeing how anyone with experience handling criminal cases could think the warning are the only way someone could ever meaningfully exercise their right.
It's pretty hard to actually take away somebody's right to remain silent. You can, you know, just remain silent.
Does someone really need to be told that they have the right to remain silent, that anything that they say will be used against them? I mean obviously, just in case they have never seen a movie, television show, series, read a book...
"Taking the 5th" is so ingrained in culture I have a hard time believing that "Without Miranda warnings, the Fifth Amendment guarantee against self incrimination would be just a piece of paper."
I think it would be very difficult to find someone who did not know that they had the right to remain silent. Maybe they don't appreciate that there is no such thing as a benign discussion with a law enforcement officer.
The trial court admitted the confession, how can we blame the officer for doing what the court allowed?
Yes, you might know, technically, that you have the right to remain silent, but that's of little use if the cop is going to rough you up unless you talk. It's a useless piece of information. (Like, if the police asks you if he can search your car, knowing that technically you can say "no".) Forcing him to give a Miranda de-fangs that possibility.
A cop willing to rough you up is also willing to lie and claim s/he Mirandized you.
Conversely, a cop might Mirandize you and rough you up anyway, then claim your confession was voluntary.
What happens off camera is always contestable.
There are also may ways to coerce a witness/defendant that do not involve roughing people up.
Making people (pretend to) read a slip of paper does not solve the problem of coercion.
Making people (pretend to) read a slip of paper does not solve the problem of coercion.
OK. But you're saying it's not perfect. That's not the issue. The question is whether it does some good.
What harm does it do?
No, the issue is whether it's required by the constitution or not.
It leads to reliable and probative evidence being excluded from criminal trials.
The inherent authority argument might justify the rule's application to federal cases. I don't see how it can justify 1. Mandating it to state courts or 2. Continuing to apply the rule in federal court after Congress legislatively repealed it.
But perhaps the court will see things your way and find for the officer.
This is the kind of thing that makes me lose all faith in the capacity of legally trained minds to see the world clearly.
If a statement was incorrectly admitted to evidence, that on the judge, not on the officer.
Unless the officer lied about origin of the statement.
In which case the remedy is a new trial for the defendant and perjury charges against the officer.
Agreed but I would place all the blame on the prosecutor.
A cop just can't take the stand and start providing evidence and statements.
It's the prosecutor who introduces this material into the process.
Concurring with Bubba -
I would hazard to guess that miranda violations happen frequently. Its introducing the "miranda violation" admission into evidence by the prosecution and the judge's allowing the admission of such evidence into the trial that is a big part of the problem, along with the defense not objecting to the admitting of such evidence (or getting overruled by the judge).
So who is responsible - the police officer?, the prosecution? or the trial court judge? or the apellete court judges who let the first three slide?
Honestly, this is the type of situation where qualified immunity makes sense. If a police officer does something that is at least tacitly approved by a defense attorney and trial judge, it seems ipso facto not to be a clear violation of a constitutional right.
I haven't dug into this enough to know if my summary of the facts above is accurate, but that is how I would look at this issue.
Actually, this is where absolute immunity doesn't make sense. The judge and prosecutor should be liable.
But if your argument is just 'the judge allowed it and the prosecutor asked', isn't the cop giving an 'i was just following orders' type excuse? I seem to recall that doesn't hold water in other circumstances.
“ Vega gave Tekoh a pen and paper and demanded a written confession. When Tekoh hesitated, Vega put his hand on his gun. Vega then dictated Tekoh’s confession.”
So the cop arguably committed a number of offenses including false imprisonment, extortion and various other nefarious acts, and the discussion is about MIRANDA?
Lol.
According to the petition, the jury found the testimony not coerced.
The plaintiff got a trial on the forced confession claim and lost. His only remaining claim is the failure to read Miranda.
I've been noodling not so much on the question of liability, but on the question of where to attribute it.
Let's say Officer Bob takes an un-mirandized statement. So far, no constitutional violation until it's admitted in court. The prosecutor then is the one making the decision to convert his wrongful-but-not-tortious act into an actionable tort. Having done so, the officer is now liable.
This is a strange kind of liability. Can the officer 'cure' his act by officially filing a disclosure to the DA's office that the statement was unmirandized and cannot be admitted? Can the DA try to admit it in court anyway?
If the Supreme Court rules against Vega, couldn't he assert the defense of qualified immunity? This was a workplace interview, which are normally noncustodial. I don't see any obvious signposts telling the officer that he had to give the suspect Miranda rights. The Court has held that qualified immunity protects all but the plainly incompetent or those who knowingly violate the law.
It's kind of a checkmate. If there is an obvious Miranda violation, the defense counsel will file a motion to suppress, and it will likely be granted, so no liability under Chavez. If it's not obvious, it's qualified immunity.
Also, I'm wondering, if the Miranda issue is litigated in a pretrial motion to suppress hearing in the criminal case, and the motion to suppress is denied, would a later civil claim be barred by collateral estoppel?
According to the plaintiff,
That certainly sounds custodial to me (to say the least). Unsurprisingly, the officer has a different narrative: the question whether he gets to have a jury determination of the custody issue or not. (In light of the factual dispute, this doesn't seem like it could be resolved on summary judgment.)
And all nine justices will rule based primarily on how they feel about Miranda, not what the constitution says nor what precedents would require.
You don't think their views on "what the constitution says" might inform "how they feel about Miranda"?
What does the constitution say about the admissibility of a confession given when a policeman has not uttered magic words?
Quoting the petition: "This petition provides an ideal vehicle for resolving that question. Two federal juries have already found that the police questioning at issue— which occurred at the scene of a reported sexual assault of a patient at a public hospital—was not coercive under the totality of the circumstances, and thus did not violate respondent’s constitutional rights. This case thus squarely presents the question whether a Miranda violation alone can give rise to Section 1983 liability."
I think the court rules a Miranda violation under these circumstances is not an actionable harm by the police officer. And not presented as a question yet, the judge has absolute immunity for admitting the evidence, the prosecutor has absolute immunity for getting it admitted, and the police officer has absolute immunity for in-court testimony.
If it is actionable we have a flood of qualified immunity decisions coming. Should a police officer have known that a Miranda warning was required when the officer was standing in the way of the exit but was willing to move aside if asked, except the plaintiff mistakenly thought he was being detained because the officer did not move aside without being asked? That sort of thing.
I was confused why this case was granted given Chavez. I am still confused why this case would be at all a tough decision given any respectful attempt to apply precedent. Unfortunately, the only conclusion I can reach is four Justices of the Supreme Court did not intend to faithfully apply precedent when they voted to grant cert.
I do think too much of the Fifth Amendment is Miranda-dependent these days (to the point that Justice Alito somehow used Miranda as the key case in understanding the Fifth Amendment as a way to limit the Fifth Amendment in Salinas v. Texas). Fundamentally, the premise of the Miranda Court is simple. It is unconstitutional to admit at trial an involuntary (or compelled) confession. Before Miranda, the police and courts were inconsistent in determining if something was involuntary. Miranda created a black and white rule to make that determination. The fundamental problem (a compelled confession) is still the Constitutional harm, but it's a per se method of adjudicating that issue.
According to the petition there is a circuit split. If there is a true split the Supreme Court ought to resolve it, if only to point out that the answer lies in precedent.
Not really. A Mirandized statement can still be involuntary (and thus inadmissible), and a voluntary, un-Mirandized statement can be admissible for some purposes (mainly impeachment).
I should clarify that Miranda, at its time, was intended to do that. Obviously, there are still cases were coercion can overcome even Miranda warnings but it significantly reduced the number of cases (I don't have the statistics in front of me, but the number of cases found to be involuntary when Miranda warnings were given were dramatically less than the number of cases where confessions were involuntary pre-Miranda).
Your point about impeachment is a fair one, although it is one decided after Miranda and I would suggest it was done so under a different logic (if anything, it represented the clawing back that seems to still be ongoing).
I don't know how Kerr can read through the opinions of Chavez and reach the conclusion that the result rested on a "Miranda violation" as opposed to the text of the Fifth Amendment. If anything,
Thomas' lead opinion (joined in full by Rehnquist and in the 5th Amendment analysis by O'Connor and Scalia) starts with, "This case involves a 42 U. S. C. § 1983 suit arising out of petitioner Ben Chavez's allegedly coercive interrogation of respondent Oliverio Martinez." With regards to the 5th Amendment claim, Thomas looks to the text of the Amendment to determine whether a violation occurred. In doing so, he finds that for a violation to occur, the "compelled testimony" must be used in a subsequent prosecution in a "criminal case" (sec. I). Regarding Miranda, Thomas states that, "Rules designed to safeguard a constitutional right, however, do not extend the score of the constitutional right itself, just as violations of judicially crafted prophylactic rules do not violate the constitutional rights of any person" (p. 772). Thomas also concludes that Chavez's questioning "did not violate Martinez's due process rights" under the 14th Amendment (p. 775).
Souter's opinion also focuses on the text of the 5th Amendment, which, according to him, "focuses on courtroom use of a criminal defendant's compelled, self-incriminating testimony" (p. 777). Souter states that recognizing Martinez's constitutional action for compensation would be "well outside the core of Fifth Amendment protection" (777). Prior 5th Amendment cases, such as Miranda, constitute law that is "outside the Fifth Amendment's core," and Martinez "can not make the "powerful showing" ... necessary to expand protection of the privilege against compelled self-incrimination to the point of the civil liability he asks us to recognize here" (p. 778). Souter (joined by Stevens, Kennedy, Ginsburg, and Breyer) departs from Thomas' opinion on the 14th Amendment claim, which he states should be addressed on remand.
Scalia agrees with the opinions of Thomas and Souter with regards to the Fifth Amendment claim, stating that "without a violation of the right protected by the text of the Self-Incrimination Clause ... Martinez's 42 U. S. C. § 1983 action is doomed. Section 1983 does not provide remedies for violations of judicially created prophylactic rules, such as the rule of Miranda, as the Court today holds" (p. 780). Scalia, departing from Souter's opinion, also concludes that there is "no basis for a remand" to determine whether Martinez can make a 14th Amendment substantive due process claim.
Stevens' opinion folds the Fifth Amendment claim into the 14th Amendment's protection of rights "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty" (p. 787). The transcript of the interrogation, according to Stevens, "vividly demonstrates that respondent was suffering sever pain and mental anguish throughout petitioner's persistent questioning" (p. 786). He agrees that the case should be remanded for further review of the 14th Amendment claim.
Kennedy's opinion states, "I agree with Justice Thomas that failure to give a Miranda warning does not, without more, establish a completed violation when the unwarned interrogation ensures" (p. 789). He writes separately because he does not agree with Thomas and Souter that a 5th Amendment violation arises only after a compelled statement is used in a later criminal proceeding. Rather, in his view "the Self-Incrimination Clause is applicable at the time and place police use compulsion to extract a statement from a suspect. The Clause forbids that conduct" (p. 795). Kennedy ultimately finds that "In a case like this one, recovery should be available under § 1983 if a complainant can demonstrate that an officer exploited his pain and suffering with the purpose and intent of securing an incriminating statement. That showing has been made here" (p. 797).
Ginsburg's opinion agrees with Kennedy's temporal assessment of the 5th Amendment violation (that it occurs even absent the use of the compelled confession in a subsequent prosecution) and his conclusion to affirm the lower court's decision. She agrees with the finding of the District Court that ""the totality of the circumstances in this case" establishes "that [Martinez's] statement was not voluntarily given"" (p. 801). She does not mention Miranda in her opinion.
To me this seems a pretty odd position. It's constitutional law as quantum physics: Miranda becomes like light, which is both a wave and a particle.
It's worse than that. Miranda is :
(a) both a wave and a particle, and
(b) neither
If "Miranda" refers to the physical medium on which the court opinion is written, then - like all matter, not just light - it is both wave and particle.
If "Miranda" refers to the incorporeal concept established by the judgement, then it is not matter, and neither wave nor particle.
But retreating hastily from physics.....it doesn't seem very difficult to me for Miranda to represent a constitutional decision at the same time as not being part of the constitution. (I don't say it is, merely that it could be so, without any contradiction.)
What is - explicitly - part of the constitution is that a witness may not be "compelled" to be a witness against himself. So the question of what objects, in any particular case, fall within the meaning of "compelled" is a constitutional question and so the answer is a constitutional question.
But the finding that one of those objects is "any testimony by the accused which has not been preceded by a warning along the following lines..." is not to be found in the constitution itself, it is to be found in the judicial head - an inference from the text. Nothing at all compels that inference as a matter of logic, or even common sense.
Note that this does not require any assertion that the Miranda object as found by the court is wrong or fictitious - merely that the court could just as well have found that the postulated object was not there.
Should a later court come along and conclude that the earlier court was mistaken, and thought it had found an object that was not in fact there at all - which a future court might find - that would demonstrate that the Miranda object was indeed a will o the wisp. Even though both Miranda, and the future anti-Miranda would be constitutional decisions - ie decisions based on reading the constitution.
It seems to me the analysis is as follows:
1. Dickerson was wrongly decided.
2. Nevertheless, we’re stuck with it as stare decisis.
3. But that doesn’t mean we have to compound the error by extending its reasoning to other situations not before the court in that case.