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Why State Common Law Nuisance Claims Against Fossil Fuel Companies Are Not Preempted
Nuisance claims may not be a particularly effective way to address the problem of climate change, but federal law does not preempt state common law nuisance claims seeking compensatory damages.
Over the past several years, multiple municipalities have filed suit against fossil fuel producers seeking compensatory damages for the consequences of climate change. Because federal common law nuisance claims are displaced under AEP v. Connecticut, these suits all plead state common law claims, including public nuisance.
Much of the action in these cases has focused on whether they can or should be removed to federal court. One case, BP P.L.C. v. Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, reached the Supreme Court on this question (or, more precisely, on the question of the scope of appellate review of removal claims). Most municipalities filed their claims in state court, but the fossil fuel defendants would prefer to have the cases in federal court, as both sides believe state courts will be less sympathetic to some of the fossil fuel companies' federal law-based defenses, and fighting over removal is one way for the defendants to delay adjudication of the merits.
One case that avoided jousting over removal is City of New York v. Chevron, which New York opted to file in federal court. As they were already in federal court, the fossil fuel defendants claimed the case should be dismissed on, among other things, political question and preemption grounds. The district court agreed, as did the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.
In my view, the Second Circuit got this case horribly wrong. As I explain in this new paper, "Displacement and Preemption of Climate Nuisance Claims," federal law does not preempt state-law-based nuisance claims for interstate air pollution or climate damages. In dismissing the suit, the Second Circuit marshals many powerful policy arguments against addressing climate change through nuisance claims brought by local governments, it misapplies existing preemption and displacement doctrine and premises its holding on a fundamental misconception of the relationship between federal and state environmental regulation.
There may be good reasons to prefer a broad national climate policy to piecemeal litigation, but whether to preempt such claims is a decision that must be made by legislators, not courts, and under existing law, Congress has done nothing to preempt or otherwise obstruct state-law-based nuisance claims concerning climate change (or air pollution more generally). Whatever legal problems the specific claims pled by New York City may face (potentially including personal jurisdiction and the dormant commerce clause, among others), preemption is not among them.
A draft of my paper, which was prepared for a Research Roundtable on Public Nuisance sponsored by the Law & Economics Center, is now up on SSRN. It will be published in a Journal of Law, Economics & Policy symposium. The abstract is below.
New York City and other municipalities have filed state-law-based nuisance suits against fossil fuel companies seeking compensatory damages for the consequences of climate change. Previous nuisance claims, filed under federal common law, were held to be displaced by federal environmental statutes. Defendants have argued that state-law-based claims should likewise be preempted. Yet while the enactment of federal regulatory statutes displaces federal common law actions for interstate pollution, such enactments do not necessarily preempt state common law actions, even where pollution crosses state boundaries, as it is more difficult to preempt state common law than it is to displace federal common law. In City of New York v. Chevron Corp., however, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit concluded the government plaintiffs may not "utilize state tort law to hold multinational oil companies liable for the damages caused by global greenhouse gas emissions." While there may be strong policy arguments for this result, the legal basis for this conclusion is weak. This article provides background on the use of common law suits to address pollution concerns and the history of state-level pollution control measures, before describing the current doctrines of displacement and preemption, and explaining why the legal arguments for preempting state-law-based climate suits are insufficient to justify dismissing these cases, even if equivalent federal common law actions would be properly displaced.
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How are these lawsuits sustainable? The climate damage - even if you can prove that it was caused by carbon emissions (prove, not theorize) - was done not by the extraction of the hydrocarbons but by the burning of the hydrocarbons. The fossil fuel companies didn’t do the majority of the burning. That was done by the citizens of the cities themselves.
I realize the OP addresses technical questions related to how the courts should handle the suits, but more fundamentally how are the companies even liable for anything? For providing a product that society couldn’t get enough of at prices that were low enough such that the economy could flourish?
As per Milieudefensie v. Shell in the Netherlands earlier this year, if the oil company doesn't sell fossil fuels but leaves them in the ground instead, there's nothing for their customers to burn. (Simplifying slightly.) Not saying I'm sold on that theory, but that's pretty much it.
(Or, more precisely, it is foreseeable that if you sell someone fossil fuels, they will burn them, so liability in tort can be based on that.)
In technical terms, what you're talking about is the difference between liability for scope 1, scope 2, and scope 3 emissions.
https://www.shearman.com/Perspectives/2021/06/Milieudefensie-v-Shell--Landmark-Court-Decision-For-Energy-Companies
Suppose California decides to sue say, Chevron. The State has credit cards issued by Chevron that are used by the CHP, all state vehicles, CalFire, etc. They are also used by most county and city vehicles.
If selling gasoline, diesel, and jet fuel are seen by the state attorney general as creating an injury, the first thing Chevron should is cancel the credit cards. That does not mean that the vehicles can not get fuel, but rather that the purchaser must either employ cash or a bank credit card or debit card.
Nothing could possibly go wrong with letting government employees use cash or cards or a daily basis. Also, Chevron can say they are trying to see things as the attorney general does.
Yes.
Then again, if I was advising Chevron I'd suggest they avoid doing something that seems so petty.
Unless they were planning on moving out of the state, of course.
Even then, unless they plan on moving out of all blue states. The bad PR isn't worth it.
The bad PR of... looking petty, vs the bad PR of being a planet-murdering criminal enterprise upon all bad weather can be blamed?
The bad PR of looking petty vs the actual harm of having their assets seized for acts performed by the state?
Yeah... not seeing it.
But the state that has benefitted greatly from the fossil fuels they now only see as costs isn't being pretty and outright dishonest? Fuck that noise.
It's bad PR, sure, but does Chevron really have a choice?
Under the Dutch Shell decision, Shell is responsible not only for its own greenhouse emissions, but those of its customers and suppliers.
Analogously, Chevron would be responsible for the greenhouse emissions of its customers, presumably. It may not have any choice but to cut off the cards to the various state agencies. If the state agencies don't reduce their greenhouse gas emissions substantially, then Chevron would be on the hook for them and would be legally obligated to cut off the State.
Well, no that's not true. They'd burn what they burned prior to the discovery of or the availability of fossil fuels. Wood. Peat. Stuff like that. Stuff that's a lot more polluting and has the added detriment of denuding the planet.
Not to mention the methane from all of the horse shit that's all over the place because that's the only means of transportation for the last century.
There's a pretty damn good argument that fossil fuels reduced carbon emissions, adjusted for economy size. And does the growth in the economy encouraged by fossil fuels and the wealth that was created by that offset liability? More than offset?
These lawsuits are bullshit virtue signals and money grabs.
Typically these suits are for injunctions, not damages, so I'm not sure where you're getting that "money grab" point from.
Chevron case being discussed was for damages.
You can't get an injunction for a global action. If CO2 is the problem, then even if you could demand a cessation of sale of all fossil fuels from all companies in America (which would essentially be murder of everyone who requires consistent power or fast travel), it wouldn't address the problem, since all the rest of the world won't be affected.
No judge can solve this because it's an international action.
There are two people who are filing these lawsuits. People who do not understand the nature of the problem or how law works, and people who want to line their own pockets. Given that this argument wasn't written in crayon, I will assume they are part of the latter group until proven otherwise.
"You can't get an injunction for a global action. If CO2 is the problem, then even if you could demand a cessation of sale of all fossil fuels from all companies in America (which would essentially be murder of everyone who requires consistent power or fast travel), it wouldn't address the problem, since all the rest of the world won't be affected."
And given China's current role and India's rapidly expanding role, America is going to be a lower tier issue for this stuff...assuming that climate change actually gives a damn about climate change. Which the activists have never once demonstrated that they do.
No disrespect to you, but, I find that line of reasoning full of bullshit. If you look at the tobacco settlement using that logic, the largest wholesaler of tobacco products in the world was the Federal Government. Shouldn't they bear some responsibility?
The case against the tobacco companies was because they downplayed the consequences of using tobacco and (according to the link), this same tactic could be used against the fossil fuel producers.
https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/tobacco-and-oil-industries-used-same-researchers-to-sway-public1/
The case against tobacco companies was a complete non-starter, until the lawyers responsible entered into a collusive deal with state legislatures to write laws denying the tobacco companies their previously successful defense: That everybody damned well knew that tobacco was bad for you, so any risk was voluntarily assumed.
Too bad the tobacco companies didn't have well-trained lawyers and well-greased politicians to protect them.
That everybody damned well knew that tobacco was bad for you, so any risk was voluntarily assumed.
Was that defense previously also succesful in suits by non-smokers? Because that's a better analogy for this climate change litigation.
You mean suits by people who don't use fossil fuels? Outside of a few isolated tribes in the Amazon, there are no such people.
"Was that defense previously also succesful in suits by non-smokers?"
Are there any such suits by non-smokers against the tobacco companies before the state AGs started suing on everyone's behalf?
I'm doubtful. A non-smoker might have a cause of action against the smoker who exposed them, but not against the tobacco company. That would be like suing Ford for a particular drunk driving accident.
The other issue is, with the tobacco companies it's direct harm, while with the oil companies...it isn't.
With the tobacco companies, they sold you something...that something directly caused you harm...you sue.
With the oil companies, it's rather different. They sold oil to the electric company. The electric company burned it to produce electricity and CO2. The CO2 increased temperatures. The Increased temperatures contributed towards higher sea levels. Which started to flood your house.
So...why are you suing the oil company? Why not the electric company? Or the car company? Or the company that sold the drilling equipment to the oil company?
It's the indirect nature that is problematic.
Like I said, retweet is not endorsement. Personally I find the case on scope 2 emissions (i.e. the company's own submissions) a lot stronger than the case for making them liable for scope 3 emissions.
(Scope 1 emissions, i.e. emissions by their suppliers, are inbetween, since the company can clearly choose to source inputs from a different supplier, etc.)
Martin, two points.
1. Proximate cause is a thing.
2. Petroleum is used for many purposes other than burning. It is the base stock for the plastics industry and for lubricants.
That’s kind similar to the argument the pigsty owner made in William Aldred’s Case in 1610 where he claimed the raising of hogs are necessary for the maintenance of mankind so it couldn’t be a nuisance. The Court rejected the argument. Although as Jonathan notes in his paper later courts would balance things like that more.
It seems to me it wouldn’t be unreasonable to counterclaim against the State of California and any municipalities joining this suit for an order permanently enjoining them from purchasing or burning fossil fuels, plus damages, under the same theory, and claim this lawsuit constitutes a waiver of sovereign immunity.
Perhaps the counterclaim could be made conditionally (pleading in the alternative), applying only if the State’s theory is sustained.
Would you be willing to live in a world without bacon?
This isn't entirely correct. Extraction of oil and natural gas releases methane into the atmosphere as a consequence of the extraction and not related to transportation, sale, or consumption. This is why you see open flames burning on rigs and other oil extraction facilities. Methane is worse than CO2 as a greenhouse gas.
Can I just ask about this political question point? Because this seems like a classic example of the rule that, just because politicians care a lot about an issue, that doesn't mean that issue is a political question at law.
https://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKSC/2019/41.html
As people in Europe have found out recently, fossil fuels are a giant benefit and people cannot live well without them.
Extraction and production aren no way a nuisance.
2nd Circuit was correct, its up to Congress to shut down modern civilization if it wants, not US cities or states.
If it's up to Congress, then the Second Circuit was not correct, because there is no express or implied preemption of state law nuisance claims for this.
Environmental scheme does in fact preempt the lawsuits by implication.
Except as Adler points out it didn't for the original pollutants that CAA was aimed at, so therefore it couldn't possibly be the case for greenhouse gasses.
2nd circuit diagrees with law professor. Who wins?
Somehow I don't think you use this line of argument when its outcomes you don't like coming from circuit courts...
A good lawyer uses the best available argument.
If your argument is "cause the second circuit said so," in a discussion about whether the second circuit was correct.... that's probably not the best available argument unless they weren't even close to correct in their holding.
Correct or not, it is law now in the 2nd circuit and its a high status court so will influence other circuits.
Yeah I get that. This post is about whether it’s right or not.
SCOTUS
Federal "implication" does not a preemption argument make. Under the Supremacy Clause, only the "Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties" preempt state law - inchoate federal policy interests do not.
Tell that to the 2nd Circuit.
Incredibly facile argument. I take it, then, that there are no court opinions whose reasoning you've thought to be incorrect??
I'll tell you what is a common law nuisance - climate change hucksters. There is no such thing. There is no actual science to support it. And all (well most) environmental advocacy boils down to a convenient way to convince people the world is going to end unless a radical left wing agenda is adopted.
There is no actual science to support it.
Please show me the metastudies you've conducted to support this very broad assertion.
So just go on the UN website, type climate change, and read any of the reports. Start with the ones from the 1970's and then read to present day.
Oh wait, you can't find the ones from the 1970's because they were just dead wrong with everything so instead of owning that they just scrubbed those from the net.
So maybe start with the ones from the 80's talking about global warming. But, shucks, looks like those also got censored. Fortunately though can still find them floating around. Lots of junk science in there.
The stuff from the 90's is a lot more available but still filled with junk science. Any person of normal intelligence can read documents from this date and get the takeaway that they are just bloated policy documents with a thin veil of "science" used to justify those policy positions.
And finish up with doing an internet search for "when Antartica was supposed to melt into the ocean predictions" which will provide a nice cherry on top of the bullshit sundae you just wasted hours of your life reading.
Ah, I'm pretty sure they didn't need to scrub anything from the net for the 1970's, (Though I do recall those absurd reports, and they'd surely scrub them if possible.) as there wasn't any net back them for them to have ended up on.
So you have your own amateur "research."
No. Read the stuff that is supposed to convince you climate change is real. The evolution of this "science" is enough, in of itself, to convince any reasonable person that it is neither "science" or based in any type of factual reality.
Metastudies? Is this what you call cherry picking studies using theoretical models that consistently run hot, and fail both forecasting and hind casting historical data? Does accumulating a lot of these cherry-picking studies make them more credible?
Yep, those same hucksters who try to bullshit that the earth isn’t flat, the sun doesn’t go around it, it’s more than about six thousand years old, and all that other bullshit these hucksters keep trying to palm off on people.
No disrespect to you, but, I find that line of reasoning full of bullshit. If you look at the tobacco settlement using that logic, the largest wholesaler of tobacco products in the world was the Federal Government. Shouldn't they bear some responsibility?
If the federal government was wholesale distributing a dangerous product - one they knew to be dangerous - why shouldn’t they be liable?
It’s not a valid comparison. In the case of fossil fuels there was an economic trade off. Cheaper, plentiful, LESS POLUTING, fuel generated massive economic benefits which included some environmental cost, although arguably less than the alternatives during the period when fossil fuel use became pervasive. Note that the states now suing enjoyed the fruits of the economic benefits immensely.
Tobacco was all harm with no offsetting benefit.
Tobacco was all harm with no offsetting benefit.
Besides its anti-anxiety properties, the jobs it created, the massive economic impact it had across several states along with the federal taxes we collect. There was even a study showing that the reduction in lifespan it created was a benefit for the Social Security trust fund.
Is your thesis that if there's an "offsetting benefit" the harm is excusable? When do we get to make that choice? When the real harm is known by the companies but withheld from the market, the market will not make the correct choices. This benefited fossil fuel companies and the tobacco companies.
The legislature could do it's job and ban all fossil fuels and materials derived from or using such starting today to avoid that harm. They won't of course because that might cause them to be responsible for their insane scheme.
If you really think the positive economic impact from tobacco was even 10% of the positive economic impact of a century of inexpensive fossil fuel, I’m really not sure you can be reached. The cost and availability of energy touches everything.
Eh, you can make a case. It appears that humanity really only began advancing once we had access to stimulants, and that's what nicotine is, a stimulant.
Not much of a case.
We've had stimulants, including nicotine and especially caffeine (in tea) for thousands of years.
It is a correct thing for democracy to decide how much pollution is acceptable for the trade off of the benefits of economic growth and progress.
If advancing science studying cumulative effects shows this is becoming a problem, let's demand elected politicians address this changing balance valuation.
Congress?
"Leave us alone, we are scared and hide. Plus gigalawsuits will filter back to us via donations, so that's fine with us!"
Well, then.
It is a correct thing for democracy to decide how much pollution is acceptable for the trade off of the benefits of economic growth and progress.
Is it? What if the pollution hits one group, and the benefits accrue elsewhere?
In any case, Professor Coase would like a word.
My general view, separate from the federal pre-emption issue, is that common-law nuisance suits should not be used to address things that have become endemic and routine in society.
Once this occurs, it is for legislatures, not common-law judges, to weigh the benefits and risks and ser a policy.
General common-law doctrines should not be used to set policy judicially in an end run around the legislative process. The common law should bot be used to upend society’s settled expectation without their consent. That’s the role of legislation.
The constitution requires a republican form of government. Some judicial common law-making is consistent with that. But there are limits. Major policy changes that upend practices endemic to society should be made by legislatures. And fossil fuels are so endemic to society that making their production and sale a tortious act would definitely be an example of such a major policy change.
Major policy changes that upend practices endemic to society should be made by legislatures.
I think that, in the US, that ship has sailed somewhere around the time of Brown v. Board of Education, if not long before that.
That was a constitutional law decision, not a common law decision. Constitutional anendments are quintessential legislative acts. And the 13th, 14th, amd 15th amendments were passed specifically to change long-standing, embedded practices regarding race.
No comparison. The analogy here would be if the plaintiffs were arguing for an expansive interpretation of a statute specifically enacted to address global warming. In that case one might disagree with their interpretatiob but there would be no question about its being on the subject the statute was specifically enacted to address, as Brown was with the 14th Amendment.
But there is no such analogy here. It would be like trying to use the common law of nuisance to address slavery in a slave state pre-13th Amendment. Unlike the text and history of constitutional amendments, the general principles of the common law can’t be used for such purposes.
Note: My general comment preferring statutory to common law in these sorts of cases isn’t a criticism of Professor Adler’s position. Professor Adler’s argument that federal pre-emption doesn’t apply would be the same regardless of the source of the state law involved, whether statutory, common law, or whatever.
Society's settled expectation is not everything, since there is always the issue of who exactly settled it.
Where there are specific harms associated with some practices I don't see the problem with letting tort law deal with the problem.
Of course, tort law is hopelessly inefficient and inaccurate, which is one reason it is a good idea to have some of those much-hated regulations and agencies in place, but absent government action what is a damaged party to do?
If only we had well-defined property rights, and friction-free negotiations.
First, I very much appreciate that this is a technical article about the law and not a normative article about the merits. Thank you.
However, I am not following the legal logic here at all. Going back to first principles:
- Federal law preempts state law.
- Explicit law preempts common law.
How then does explicit federal law not preempt state common law?
Is the argument that federal law only preempts state law when Congress makes that intention clear? (The presumption against preemption doctrine?) That's true but that's a much narrower claim that must be measured against the particular federal law's structure and purpose - and would be equally true and equally narrow whether the state rule in question were explicit law or common law. The broad statement that federal law can preempt federal common law but not state common law seems unsupported.
"How then does explicit federal law not preempt state common law?"
It does, but Adler says there is no explicit preemption here. Express means Congress has actually said it is preempting or displacing state common law. the CAA doesn't have that regarding state law nuisance for pollutants. You'd have to go to field or impossibility or obstacle preemption to get that, but the CAA's "cooperative federalism model" which allows states to have more stringent regulations than the federal ones except in certain well-defined areas means that common law nuisance likely isn't going to be preempted because Congress did not 1) intend to occupy the entire field of air pollution regulation 2) it is possible to follow both state and federal law simultaneously by keeping with federal CAA standards and not creating state law nuisances and 3), state law nuisance does not frustrate the purpose of the CAA.
Agreed. Adler is arguing that Congress didn’t explicitly pre-empt state law, and there is no implied pre-emption either.
This would be the case regardless of whether the state law involved is statutory or common law.
Given the strong regulation of fossil fuel extraction and distribution, I common law nuisance claims should be preempted by both state and federal law. If I have a license to drill or sell a gallon of oil I should be covered for the inherent consequences. If my drilling platform explodes, if my tank leaks and pollutes the ground, that is not an inevitable consequence. But the carbon dioxide emission from burning gasoline was anticipated and intended by everybody. Due process considerations should bar retroactive liability.