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The Volokh Conspiracy

Free Speech

Montana Criminal Libel Statute Struck Down

The statute doesn't require that the defendant knew the statement was false or likely false, and is thus inconsistent with Supreme Court precedent.

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So U.S. District Court Judge Donald Molloy held today, in Myers v. Fulbright. The Montana statute provides,

(1) Defamatory matter is anything that exposes a person or a group, class, or association to hatred, contempt, ridicule, degradation, or disgrace in society or injury to the person's or its business or occupation.

(2) Whoever, with knowledge of its defamatory character, orally, in writing, or by any other means, including by electronic communication, … communicates any defamatory matter to a third person without the consent of the person defamed commits the offense of criminal defamation and may be sentenced to imprisonment for not more than 6 months in the county jail or a fine of not more than $500, or both.

(3) Violation of subsection (2) is justified if:
(a) the defamatory matter is true;
(b) the communication is absolutely privileged;
(c) the communication consists of fair comment made in good faith with respect to persons participating in matters of public concern;
(d) the communication consists of a fair and true report or a fair summary of any judicial, legislative, or other public or official proceedings; or
(e) the communication is between persons each having an interest or duty with respect to the subject matter of the communication and is made with the purpose to further the interest or duty.

(4) A person may not be convicted on the basis of an oral communication of defamatory matter except upon the testimony of at least two other persons that they heard and understood the oral statement as defamatory or upon a plea of guilty or nolo contendere.

Judge Molloy held that, applying standard Montana interpretive principles, the law unconstitutionally allows liability for merely negligent falsehoods (see Mont. Code. Ann. § 45-2-103), which makes the statute overbroad under New York Times v. Sullivan and Garrison v. Louisiana. He also noted that the statute seems to put the burden on the defendant to prove truth (see City of Missoula v. Shumway ¶ 14 (2019)), which may also be unconstitutional (see Philadelphia Newspapers, Inc. v. Hepps (1986)).

I think this analysis is right, though I think the Montana Legislature can also easily reenact a suitably narrowed and therefore constitutional version of the statute, just as the Minnesota Legislature did after the Minnesota criminal libel statute was struck down in State v. Turner (Minn. Ct. App. 2015); the Montana Legislature also enacted this version of the statute when the earlier, still broader, version was struck down in State v. Helfrich (Mont. 1996). Of course, the state could also appeal to the Ninth Circuit, but I think it will lose if it does so.

Here is the backstory to the case, by the way, as alleged in Myers' complaint:

This case arises from the 2016 campaign for Ravalli County District Judge between Plaintiff Robert Myers and Judge Jeffrey Langton. Myers asserted during the campaign that Judge Langton was unfit for office. Montana's Office of Disciplinary Counsel (ODC), the state agency established to enforce the state's rules of professional conduct, filed two complaints against Myers during the campaign, at least one of which came at the behest of Judge Langton.

During the closing weeks of the campaign, Myers published campaign advertisements asserting that Judge Langton had abused his power as a judge by having impermissible conflicts of interest in criminal cases when he was the presiding judge. In one case, he was accused of purchasing drugs from, and providing alcohol to, a 13-year-old boy over whom he later sat in judgment. These allegations are corroborated by sworn affidavits from witnesses.

In January 2017, ODC filed a third complaint against Myers based upon these campaign advertisements. Myers has since been preparing his defense to this latest ODC complaint, which includes marshaling additional evidence of illegal drug and other evidence of Judge Langton's abuses of power.

Earlier this week, these efforts ground to a halt when Myers received a telephone call from the Missoula County Sheriff's Department. A sheriff's detective stated that Judge Langton had filed a criminal defamation complaint against Myers based upon Myers' campaign statements. The detective stated further that he was "investigating" the criminal complaint and "interviewing" witnesses. …

The government is also "investigating" witnesses who are needed by Myers to defend himself against its pending attorney disciplinary charges. When these witnesses discover that there is also an investigation of Myers for criminal defamation based upon Myers' allegations of misconduct by Judge Langton, they will become hesitant, to put it charitably, about testifying regarding their own knowledge of Judge Langton's misconduct.

Crime

Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery

Episode 255 of the Cyberlaw Podcast: Russia and China revamp their military technologies

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In our interview, Elsa Kania and Sam Bendett explain what China and Russia have learned from the American way of warfighting – and from Russia's success in Syria. The short answer: everything. But instead of leaving us smug, I argue it ought to leave us worried about complacency followed by unpleasant military surprises. Elsa and Sam both try to predict where the surprises might come from. Yogi Berra makes an appearance.

In the News Roundup, David Kris explains the Fourth Circuit's decision to turn a hostile spouse-swap dispute into an invitation to screw up the law of stored electronic communications for a generation.

And in other litigation, a Trump-appointed judge dismisses a lawsuit charging Silicon Valley with unlawfully censoring the right. Nate Jones and I agree that, while the decision is broadly consistent with law, it may spell trouble for Silicon Valley in the long run. That's because it depends on an idiosyncratic DC Court of Appeals interpretation of the District's public accommodation law. I speculate that Alabama or Texas or Mississippi could easily draft a law prohibiting discrimination on the basis of viewpoint in public accommodations like,say, Internet platforms.

Nick Weaver and I note the UN report that North Korea has stolen $571 million, much of it in cryptocurrency. I ask whether the US Treasury could seize those ill-gotten bits. Maybe, says Nick, but it would really bollix up the world of cryptocurrency (not that he minds).

I explain that DHS will be rolling out facial scanning technology to a boatload of US airports – and why there's no hidden privacy scandal in the initiative.

And this story kind of makes you wonder about their banks and their chocolate: Nick gloats as Switzerland's proposed Internet voting system follows his predicted path from questionable undertaking to deep, smoking crater.

Elsa Kania and I offer praise for the Navy Secretary's willingness to accept scathing criticism of the Navy's cybersecurity.

And Nick and I close with an effort to draw lessons from the disastrous software and human factor interactions at the heart of the Boeing 737 MAX crashes.

Download the 255th Episode (mp3).

You can subscribe to The Cyberlaw Podcast using iTunes, Google Play, Spotify, Pocket Casts, or our RSS feed!

As always, The Cyberlaw Podcast is open to feedback. Be sure to engage with @stewartbaker on Twitter. Send your questions, comments, and suggestions for topics or interviewees to CyberlawPodcast@steptoe.com. Remember: If your suggested guest appears on the show, we will send you a highly coveted Cyberlaw Podcast mug!

The views expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not reflect the opinions of the firm.

Immigration

The Perils of Zero-Sum Worldviews on the Left and Right

The awful ideology of the perpetrator of the recent terrorist attack in New Zealand is one of many examples of how far-right nationalists and far-left socialists have more in common than we often think. Both worldviews rest on the dangerous assumption that we are locked in a zero-sum game in which some groups can only succeed and prosper at the expense of others.

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Some may find it surprising that the perpetrator of the recent horrific New Zealand terrorist attack that killed fifty Muslim worshipers in two mosques, combined seemingly right-wing nationalism with seemingly left-wing socialism and environmentalism. He hates nonwhite immigrants to Western nations, but also hates capitalism and capitalists, and believes that we must take draconian measures to stave off environmental catastrophe. People who perpetrate "lone wolf" terrorist attacks often have strange and idiosyncratic ideas. But in this case, the terrorist's worldview is less unusual than it might seem. A similar combination of views is evident in many xenophobic nationalist movements, both past and present. Socialists and nationalists have their differences. But they also have much in common, including a zero-sum view of the world.

Anti-immigrant nationalist parties in Europe often combine hostility to nonwhite immigration with support for extensive government control of the economy. That's true of such cases as the National Front in France (now renamed as the "National Rally") and the AfD in Germany. Such parties often also often blame immigrants for real and imagined environmental degradation, just as the perpetrator of the New Zealand attack does. Numbers USA, one of the most influential anti-immigration organizations in the US, has similar views, including advocating coercive population blaming immigrants for environmental degradation. James Tanton, a founder of the organization and other leading restrictionist groups is also a longtime advocate of coercive population restriction.

Similarly, the perpetrator of the New Zealand attack argues that environmentalism and immigration restriction "are the same issue [because] the environment is being destroyed by over population, we Europeans are one of the groups that are not over populating the world. The invaders are the ones over populating the world. Kill the invaders, kill the overpopulation and by doing so save the environment." Some influential far-left environmentalists have also advocated coercive population control, including defending China's cruel "one child" policy.

In the early twentieth century, the Nazis promoted an even more extreme form of racial nationalism, and combined that with even more extreme government control over the economy. Hitler advocated extermination of the Jews and the conquest of other European nations primarily because he had concluded that that was the only way Germans could survive and prosper in a zero-sum world.

Racial nationalists and socialist far leftists share a common zero-sum view of the world under which some groups can succeed and prosper only at the expense of others. It is easy to see how that sort of world view often leads adherents to believe that drastic action—including violence—is essential to ensure that the "right" people end up as winners in this cruel zero-sum world. I discussed this crucial commonality in greater detail here:

Psychologists find that people are often naturally suspicious of "out groups" different from their own, and therefore more likely to suspect them of nefarious activities of various kinds…

Many Americans worry about our trade deficit with Japan or Mexico in a way that few do about New York's trade deficit with Iowa, or their personal trade deficits with their local supermarket. This, despite the fact that economists across the political spectrum recognize that none of these deficits actually say anything meaningful about our economic performance.

In addition to helping stoke fear of out groups, ignorance also exacerbates prejudice by contributing to the perception that the world is a zero-sum game. As Donald Trump likes to put it, nations like Mexico and Japan are "winning" and the United States is "losing" because they sell more goods to us than we do to them. Similarly, if Group A is doing well, it must be at the expense of B, C, and D. Understanding the fallacy of such thinking requires some knowledge of basic economics, and often also some reasonably careful reflection about the evidence…

The Nazis held a particularly extreme version of the view that the world economy is a zero-sum game. But more moderate – yet still dangerous – versions of the same world-view remain common on both right and left.

Zero-sum thinking need not always lead to racial and ethnic hostility, or xenophobia. It is also often channeled in other directions, such as hostility to the wealthier members of one's own ethnic group or society. In some cases, it leads to a combination of both fear of foreigners and fear of the wealthy.

For example, unexpectedly popular Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders echoes Donald Trump's hostility to international trade, while simultaneously arguing that ordinary Americans can only be economically successful by redistributing vast wealth from "the 1 percent." Until recently, he also expressed considerable hostility towards immigration, denouncing the idea of free migration of labor as a plot by "the Koch brothers" and other malevolent billionaires, which would impoverish the working class and end up "doing away with the concept of a nation state."

Still, zero-sum thinking often leads to fear of out groups, such as foreigners or minorities. If the world is a zero-sum game, we often naturally assume that our only recourse is to ensure that "our" group ends up among the "winners" rather than the "losers," as Trump might put it. Although often associated with the nationalist right, such thinking is not limited to any one side of the political spectrum. In both America and Europe, left-wing political movements have often been susceptible to it, as well – a pattern evident in the hostility of many early-twentieth century Progressives to immigrants and racial minorities, and in the recent rise of left-wing anti-Semitism in Europe.

Fortunately, most nationalists and socialists aren't willing to go so far as to personally commit acts of terrorism. But all too many are willing to advocate large-scale coercion that inflicts great harm on large numbers of people, in order to ensure that they and their preferred causes don't end up as losers in a zero-sum world. Everything from barring migrants fleeing horrible oppression, to separating immigrant children from parents in order to deter them from entering, to coercive population control, to massive expropriation of property, and repression of "capitalists" in order to transfer the nation's wealth to "the people." The list can easily be extended.

There is no easy way to combat zero-sum thinking on either the left or the right. Both have deep roots in a combination of political and economic ignorance and basic human psychology, which makes us susceptible to "in group-out group" hostility. But perhaps the beginning of wisdom is to recognize that most of our economic and social interactions do not have to be zero-sum games in which gains for one group must come at the expense of another.

Far from enriching natives, immigration restrictions often end up undermining their freedom and prosperity as well as that of potential immigrants. Standard economic estimates indicate that free migration throughout the world would double world GDP, with many of the gains going to natives, not just migrants. Natives lose the gains from trade with immigrants, and also suffer from the civil liberties violations inherent in efforts to keep out and deport migrants. Rich and poor are not locked in a zero-sum game either. To the contrary, they can prosper together through mutual exchange, and historically often have.

Pollution and global warming are genuinely serious problems. But addressing them does not require massive coercion or keeping millions of people in poverty. Historically, increasing wealth has actually led to reductions in pollution (after an initial increase early in the process of industrialization), as wealthy societies can more easily afford to invest in reducing pollution. Even when it comes to the particularly difficult challenge of climate change, there are ways to combat that simultaneously increase prosperity rather than stifle it. They include reducing regulatory obstacles to using nuclear power, cutting back on zoning restrictions that make it hard to build denser housing, and offering prizes for the development of new "clean" energy technologies. Where regulation is needed to cut back on carbon dioxide emissions, it should take the the scalpel form of a revenue-neutral carbon tax, rather than the meat cleaver of coercive population control and government takeovers of huge portions of the economy.

It would be naive to imagine that zero-sum games never occur. But they are far less common than either the far left or the nationalist right imagine. The more people come to understand that, the better.

NOTE: Because perpetrators of terrorist attacks often undertake them in large part to gain fame and media attention for themselves and their ideas, I have refrained from mentioning the name of the man who committed the New Zealand attack or linking to his "manifesto." I have instead linked to this helpful summary of his ideas, by James Peron. However, both the name and the manifesto are easily found online, for those who wish to read it for themselves.

UPDATE: In the original version of this post, I stated that Numbers USA advocates "coercive population control." However, while that is true of John Tanton, who helped found the organization, I have not seen evidence that the organization promotes that idea today. Accordingly, I have edited the relevant part of the post to reflect that fact. I apologize for the mistaken conflation in the initial version.

Crime

Emory Academic Freedom/Free Speech on Campus conference this week (3/21-3/23): CLE credit available

All are welcome to this week's conference at the Emory Conference Center in Atlanta, Ga., with a selection of nationwide experts on the First Amendment, free speech, academic freedom, and university policies, from both the academic side and the student-affairs professional side.

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Hi all, this should be my last announcement for a conference on Academic Freedom and Free Speech on Campus, to be held from March 21 to March 23, 2019, at the Emory Conference Center (Atlanta, Ga.)—brought to you by the office of Emory's provost, Dwight McBride, Emory Campus Life, and the Emory University Senate's Committee for Open Expression (which I'm the chair of).

If you're a lawyer, you should be aware that we're offering three credits of Continuing Legal Education (CLE) credit if you attend the conference on Friday, March 22. Ordinary registration fees are $100 (but free for Emory staff and faculty, and for students anywhere); it's an extra $15 if you want the CLE credit.

You can register at this link, but please come even if you haven't registered and stay for as long as you can.

Here's what the conference is about:

Academic Freedom and Free Speech on Campus

Join Emory University for its conference Academic Freedom and Free Speech on Campus March 21-23, 2019 to discuss what academic freedom and free speech mean in the life of higher education institutions today.

The conference is an opportunity to showcase how public and private institutions of higher education continue to be on the forefront of debate, deliberation, and knowledge creation. Emory University is committed to this through its strategic framework, which states that "we practice the values of intellectual rigor, integrity, risk taking, and collaboration. Our faculty and students pursue open inquiry across disciplines—guided by evidence, committed to critical inquiry, fueled by the creative spirit, and dedicated not only to discovery in its own right but to solving problems and serving society." This conference was created to demonstrate this commitment.

The goal of the conference is to generate conversations on ideas, laws, policies, and practices related to academic freedom and free speech on college campuses. It will provide opportunities for faculty, scholars, student affairs professionals and students to interrogate ideas ranging from academic freedom and free speech to safe spaces, and to discuss campus protests and dissent in order to develop practices and policies that promote free speech.

Please join the conversation by attending the conference.

Who's participating? A mix of academics, student-affairs professionals, and others. Here is a (not necessarily complete) list, in no particular order:

In addition, we have several participants from Emory, including:

  • Deborah Lipstadt, professor of modern Jewish history and Holocaust studies,
  • Pamela Scully, vice provost for undergraduate education,
  • Michael Shutt, senior director of Campus Life,
  • Michele Hempfling, associate dean of Campus Life, Oxford College of Emory University,
  • Ed Lee, senior director for debate, deliberation, and dialogue,
  • Christa Acampora, deputy provost for academic affairs,
  • Steven Sencer, Emory's general counsel,
  • Lisa Garvin, acting dean of the chapel and spiritual life,
  • Courtnay Oddman, assistant director of residence life,
  • Nancy Seideman, vice president of academic communications,
  • Bert Buchtinec, captain of Emory Police Department,
  • Fred Smith Jr., law professor,
  • Julie Seaman, law professor,
  • Frank Lechner, sociology professor,
  • Karen Andes, professor of global health,
  • Dabney Evans, professor of global health,
  • Henry Bayerle, classics professor,
  • Zach Raetzmann, student,
  • and me.

Please come represent the readership of the Volokh Conspiracy, and say hi to me when you're there!

Crime

Does the Constitution Require Unanimous Jury Verdicts in Criminal Cases?

In 1972, a 4-1-4 Supreme Court decision said "yes" in federal cases, no in state cases; the Supreme Court will now reconsider it.

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The case is Ramos v. Louisiana, which the Court just this morning agreed to hear.

Here's the basic issue: In Apodaca v. Oregon (1972), the Supreme Court held that the Sixth Amendment requires unanimity for a verdict — but that the Fourteenth Amendment does not carry this rule over to the states, and that even 9–3 verdicts are constitutionally permissible. The Jury Trial Clause is thus the one Bill of Rights clause that is neither completely incorporated against the states via the Fourteenth Amendment, nor completely not incorporated. (Recall that the Bill of Rights originally applied only to the federal government, and has been applied to the states only through the Fourteenth Amendment.)

This partial incorporation is inconsistent both with prior Supreme Court practice and with McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010), the case that fully incorporated the Second Amendment. (McDonald calls an Apodaca-like approach "watered-down" incorporation.) In fact, in Apodaca, only one Justice — Justice Powell — concluded that the Jury Trial Clause required unanimity in federal trials but that this provision shouldn't be incorporated against the states. The other eight would have applied the Jury Trial Clause the same way both to federal and state trials, but four said (incorrectly, in my view) that it didn't require unanimity in either and four said it required unanimity in both. Justice Powell was the controlling vote, and that's how the partial incorporation result was reached.

Back in 2012, I filed a petition with the Court in a case raising the very same issue, Herrera v. Oregon; the Court denied then, and on some occasions since then, but I'm delighted that it has agreed to hear the matter now (whether because there are two new Justices on the Court, or for some other reason). Here's the argument in favor of the historical understanding that the Jury Trial Cause has indeed been understood as envisioning unanimous juries:

[* * *]

The right to a unanimous jury verdict was firmly established when the Bill of Rights was framed. Sir William Blackstone noted it as an essential feature of the right to trial by jury:

[T]he trial by jury ever has been, and I trust ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law…. [I]t is the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of twelve of his neighbours and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to affirm has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this nation for a long succession of ages.

2 Blackstone, Commentaries *378–79. Likewise, Blackstone listed the requirement of "unanimous suffrage" on a jury as part of the protection provided by the jury trial to "the liberties of England," and argued that "inroads upon this sacred bulwark of the nation [the jury trial] are fundamentally opposite to the spirit of our constitution." 4 id. *349–50. John Adams took the same view in America, writing that "it is the unanimity of the jury that preserves the rights of mankind." 1 John Adams, A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States 376 (Philadelphia, William Cobbett 1797).

While the Bill of Rights was being ratified, Justice James Wilson — "who was instrumental in framing the Constitution and who served as one of the original Members of this Court," Victor v. Nebraska, 511 U.S. 1, 10 (1994) — stressed the unanimity requirement in his 1790–91 lectures: "To the conviction of a crime, the undoubting and the unanimous sentiment of the twelve jurors is of indispensable necessity." 2 James Wilson, Works of the Honourable James Wilson 350 (Philadelphia, Lorenzo Press 1804); see also 2 id. at 306, 311, 342, 351, 360 (further noting the unanimity requirement).

Justice Wilson's lectures were about law generally, not constitutional law as such. But he was discussing the meaning of "the trial by jury" in criminal cases. E.g., 2 id. at 344, 348. And it is the "right to a … trial, by an impartial jury" that the Sixth Amendment enshrines as a constitutional command (and that Article III, § 2, cl. 3, "The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury," likewise enshrines). As George Hay, the United States Attorney in the Aaron Burr trial, put it, "The trial by jury is a technical phrase of the common law. By its insertion in the constitution, that part of the common law which prescribes the number, the unanimity of the jury and the right of challenge is adopted." United States v. Burr, 25 F. Cas. 55, 141 (C.C.D. Va. 1807).

St. George Tucker, author of the 1803 edition of Blackstone's Commentaries, likewise treated the Sixth Amendment as embodying the trial by jury described by Blackstone: His footnote on the Blackstone pages cited above (4 Blackstone *349–50, in 5 St. George Tucker, Blackstone's Commentaries 348–51 (Philadelphia, William Y. Birch & Abraham Small 1803)) noted that "the trial by jury" described in Blackstone's text was adopted in America, and secured by the Sixth Amendment. 5 Tucker, supra, at 348–49 n.2. Tucker cited the Sixth Amendment alongside its Virginia analog, which required "a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage without whose unanimous consent [the defendant] cannot be found guilty." Ibid. And he wrote that "without [the jurors'] unanimous verdict, or consent, no person can be condemned of any crime." 1 id. at App. 34.

Justice Joseph Story, in his great constitutional law treatise, likewise stressed that the constitutional "trial by jury" is the same "great privilege" that had been "part of that admirable common law." 3 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States § 1773, at 652 (Boston, Hilliard, Gray 1833). Justice Story endorsed the Blackstone articulation of the terms of that "great privilege": "I commend to the diligent perusal of every scholar, and every legislator, the noble eulogium of Mr. Justice Blackstone on the trial by jury." 3 id. at 654 n.1 (citing "3 Black. Comm. 379, 380, 381; 4 Black. Comm. 349, 350," which note the requirement of unanimity); see also 3 id. at 652 n.1 (citing "4 Black. Comm. 349"); 3 id. at 653 n.2 (citing "4 Black. Comm[.] 349, 350"). And in a different passage, Justice Story further confirmed that unanimity was understood as a constitutional requirement: His discussion of the constitutional standard for impeachment contrasted the two-thirds requirement for conviction in an impeachment trial with the rule in criminal trials, where "unanimity in the verdict of the jury is indispensable." 2 id. § 777, at 248.

Nathan Dane's influential 1823 General Abridgment and Digest of American Law similarly treated the Bill of Rights as providing that "the jury in criminal matters must be unanimous." 6 Nathan Dane, General Abridgment and Digest of American Law 226 (Boston, Cummings, Hilliard & Co. 1823). Another volume of the same work echoes this: "The value and excellency of [the criminal trial by jury] is fully declared in all our constitutions, and repeatedly in our laws. In virtue of it … the truth of every accusation must be established by the unanimous verdict of twelve [jurors] indifferently chosen." 7 id. 335. A Westlaw query for "dane abr!" "dane's abr!" & date(< 1/1/1900) reveals that in the 1800s the Abridgment was cited by this Court 38 times, and over 950 times by all the cases in the ALLCASES-OLD database.

Unanimity was also part of James Madison's understanding of the right to trial by jury. Madison's original draft of what would become the Sixth Amendment provided for trial "by an impartial jury of freeholders of the vicinage, with the requisite of unanimity for conviction, of the right of challenge, and other accustomed requisites," 1 Annals of Cong. 452 (1789).

The proposal was ultimately revised, with the "unanimity" language omitted, and there can be two alternative inferences from this change. One is "that Congress eliminated references to unanimity and to the other 'accustomed requisites' of the jury because those requisites were thought already to be implicit in the very concept of jury." Apodaca, 406 U.S. at 409–10 (plurality opinion). The other, which the Apodaca plurality endorsed, "is that the deletion was intended to have some substantive effect." Id. at 410.

But the plurality was mistaken; the historical evidence cited above shows that the unanimity requirement was indeed seen as "implicit in the very concept" of the Anglo-American criminal jury. Protecting the "trial by jury" safeguarded the essential incidents of the trial, such as the unanimity requirement, with no need for a detailed enumeration.

To be sure, the Jury Trial Clause did not constitutionalize all details of the common-law jury. As one early decision explained, "None would contend, at this day, in a trial of a writ of right, for the extraordinary [common-law] jury, called the grand assize, composed of four knights, 'girt with swords,' and who chose twelve other persons to be joined with them." Dowling v. State, 13 Miss. 664, 681–82 (1846) (holding that departures from common-law jury selection procedures may be constitutionally permissible under the Mississippi Constitution's jury trial provision). One could argue that even the choice of twelve as the number of jurors might be sufficiently arbitrary and accidental that some variation would be permitted, see Williams v. Florida, 399 U.S.86, 90 (1970), though petitioner takes no position on that question.

But, as Dowling put it, though "[t]he old common law has been insensibly changed and tempered to our situation and institutions," "the constitution must be construed to have adopted the generous privilege of the common law trial by jury in its essential elements." 13 Miss. at 682. Only those features that were "an accidental and not an absolute part of that institution, the mere superfluous forms and complicated proceedings of the English courts" are outside the constitutional guarantee. Ibid.

The unanimity requirement was indeed not just an "accidental," "superfluous" detail, but an "essential element[]" of the jury trial. It was a part of "our [English] constitution" that protected "the liberties of England" (Blackstone), and that was then accepted in America (as Story stressed). It "preserve[d] the rights of mankind" (Adams). It was "of indispensable necessity" (Wilson), "indispensable" to a criminal jury verdict (Story), part of the American design of "the several powers of government" (Tucker), and part of the trial by jury secured by "all our constitutions" (Dane).

And this view shared by these authorities is no accident, because there is nothing peripheral or arbitrary about the difference between a unanimous finding of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt and a finding of guilt entered over some jurors' dissent. As Justice Wilson put it, "To the conviction of a crime, the undoubting and the unanimoussentiment of the twelve jurors is of indispensable necessity," 2 Wilson, supra, at 350 (emphasis added). A nonunanimous jury conviction by definition means that some juror — in petitioners' case, two jurors — found that there was a reasonable doubt about the verdict.

Likewise, Justice Wilson wrote that "it would be difficult to suggest, for [the defendant's] security, any provision more efficacious than one, that nothing shall be suffered to operate against him without the unanimous consent of the delegated body." 2 id. at 316. The unanimity requirement is distinctive in this respect, because it is the best protection of its kind for the defendant. The twelve-member jury size, for instance, cannot be defended this way; one can always suggest a slightly larger jury as a theoretical protection for the defendant, yet the jury size has to be limited, so some arbitrary line must be drawn. But unanimity is both a feasible protection for defendants, and the most "efficacious" one for their "security."

[Footnote: The nonunanimous jury requirement is on balance less "efficacious" for the "security" of defendants, even though it allows 11-1 or 10-2 acquittals as well as 11-1 or 10-2 convictions. First, such splits in favor of acquittal are much rarer than such splits in favor of conviction. See, e.g., Calif. Admin. Office of the Courts, Final Report of the Blue Ribbon Commission on Jury System Improvement 72 (1996), http://www.courtinfo.ca.gov/?reference/?documents/BlueRibbonFullReport.pdf (reporting, based on Los Angeles County data, that 31% of all hung juries were 11-1 or 10-2 for conviction, and only 11% were 11-1 or 10-2 for acquittal). Second, even under a unanimity rule, prosecutors would be much more likely to retry a case after a 11-1 or 10-2 jury split for conviction than after a similar split for acquittal. Making such a split in favor of acquitting into a legal acquittal would thus help defendants little — but making a similar split in favor of conviction into a legal conviction would disadvantage defendants more. [UPDATE: Stupid error in this footnote ("less likely" instead of "more likely") corrected in the post.]]

Similarly, Justice Wilson noted that jurors, who represent the same society whose officials are prosecuting the defendant, may tend to sympathize with the prosecution. In a criminal prosecution, "on one side [is] an individual — on the other, all the members of the society except himself — on one side, those who are to try — on the other, he who is to be tried." 2 id. at 315. This means that "the representatives [i.e., the jurors] are not indifferent, and, consequently, may not be impartial." Ibid.

Because of this, Justice Wilson explained, "the evidence, upon which a citizen is condemned, should be such as would govern the judgment of the whole society," ibid., which is to say evidence that all reasonable members of society should accept as dispositive. To provide some assurance of this, "we may require the unanimous suffrage of the deputed body [i.e., the jury] who try, as the necessary and proper evidence of that judgment." Ibid.

This reasoning cannot be applied directly to jury size, where ten or fourteen might work as a proxy for society's views about as well as twelve would. It cannot be applied to some other historical features of the jury. But the reasoning fully supports Justice Wilson's conclusion that there is no substitute for unanimity in determining whether the evidence is "such as would govern the judgment" of all reasonable members of society. Whenever a presumptively reasonable juror finds a reasonable doubt, there is a basis to think that "the judgment of the whole society" may not support conviction — many other reasonable members of society might share the minority juror's doubts.

Justice Wilson's arguments supporting the unanimity requirement are powerful. And the value of the unanimity requirement in ensuring the protection of minority groups, promoting deliberation among jurors, and making convictions more credible to the public further supports Justice Wilson's thinking. "Studies suggest that where unanimity is required, jurors evaluate evidence more thoroughly, spend more time deliberating and take more ballots. In contrast, where unanimity is not required juries tend to end deliberations once the minimum number for a quorum is reached." American Bar Ass'n, Principles for Juries and Jury Trials, with Commentary principle 4.B, at 24 (2005), http://www.abanet.org/?jury/?pdf/final%20commentary_july_1205.pdf. [Footnote: See, e.g., Dennis J. Devine et al., Jury Decision Making: 45 Years of Empirical Research on Deliberating Groups, 7 Psychol. Pub. Pol'y & L. 622, 669 (2001) (discussing data that tends to show that the absence of a unanimity requirement leads to less deliberation); Kim Taylor-Thompson, Empty Votes in Jury Deliberations, 113 Harv. L. Rev. 1262, 1273 (2000) (same); id. at 1264, 1298–99 (noting that the absence of a unanimity requirement may lead to less consideration of the opinions of minority groups); Robert J. MacCoun & Tom R. Tyler, The Basis of Citizens' Perceptions of the Criminal Jury: Procedural Fairness, Accuracy, and Efficiency, 12 Law & Hum. Behav. 333, 337–38 & tbl.1 (1988) (noting that the public views unanimous juries as more accurate and fair).]

But whether the unanimity requirement is wise — or for that matter whether the jury trial requirement is wise — is not the main question here. The important point is that the unanimity requirement was understood to be a central, "indispensable" requirement of the right to trial by jury that the Framers knew and constitutionalized. Whatever flexibility the government may have in dispensing with historical features of the jury that are peripheral, accidental, or unimportant, such flexibility cannot extend to the essential requirement of unanimity.

[And as to why this unanimity requirement was accepted at the time the Fourteenth Amendment was written, and should thus be seen as incorporated against the states:]

The Fourteenth Amendment was said to secure (among other rights) the right to "trial by jury." Cong. Globe, 42d Cong., 1st Sess. app. 85 (1871) (statement of Rep. Bingham); Cong. Globe, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. 2765 (1866) (statement of Sen. Howard) ("right to be tried by an impartial jury of the vicinage"); Cong. Globe, 42d Cong., 2d Sess. 844 (1872) (statement of Sen. Sherman) ("right to be tried by an impartial jury"). And at the time the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, "trial by jury" in criminal cases continued to be understood as requiring unanimity for conviction.

Michigan Supreme Court Justice Thomas Cooley, the "most famous" of the "late-19th-century legal scholar[s]" made this clear in his "massively popular" treatise. District of Columbia v. Heller, 128 S. Ct. 2783, 2811 (2008) (so labeling Justice Cooley and his treatise). "The jury must unanimously concur in the verdict." Thomas M. Cooley, A Treatise on the Constitutional Limitations Which Rest upon the Legislative Power of the States of the American Union 320 (Boston, Little, Brown & Co. 1868). And Justice Cooley joined Hill v. People, 16 Mich. 351, 358 (1868), which interpreted the Michigan Constitution's jury trial clause as implicitly guaranteeing a jury in which "unanimous agreement" is required for conviction.

Other leading commentators of that period took the same view: "[I]n a case in which the constitution guarantees a jury trial," a statute allowing "a verdict upon anything short of the unanimous consent of the twelve jurors" is "void." 1 Joel Prentiss Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Criminal Procedure 532 (Boston, Little, Brown 1866). "That term ['jury'], when spoken of in connection with trial by jury in [the New York Constitution], imports a jury of twelve men whose verdict is to be unanimous. Such must be its acceptation to every one acquainted with the history of common law …." Theodore Sedgwick, Treatise on the Rules Which Govern the Interpretation and Application of Statutory and Constitutional Law 530 (New York, John S. Voorhies 1857).

"[T]he jury [must] be unanimous in rendering their verdict…. The principle once adopted has continued as an essential part of the jury trial …." John Norton Pomeroy, An Introduction to Municipal Law 78 (New York, D. Appleton & Co. 1864) (so stating even though the author disapproved of the unanimity requirement on policy grounds). "[A] trial by jury is understood to mean — generally — a trial by a jury of twelve men, impartially selected, and who must unanimously concur in the guilt of the accused before a legal conviction can be had." Joel Tiffany, A Treatise on Government, and Constitutional Law 366–67 (Albany, W.C. Little 1867). "[I]t is required that the jury shall be unanimous." John Proffatt, Treatise on Trial by Jury 119 (San Francisco, S. Whitney 1877). [Footnote: See Heller, 128 S. Ct. at 2789 (citing the Tiffany and Sedgwick treatises as authoritative); Blakely, 542 U.S. at 301–02 (likewise as to the Bishop treatise); Lewis v. United States, 518 U.S. 322, 334 (1996) (likewise as to the Proffatt treatise); Watt v. Alaska, 451 U.S. 259, 284 (1981) (likewise as to the Sedgwick treatise).]

These sources show that, when the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, the right not to be convicted without a unanimous jury verdict was counted "among those fundamental rights necessary to our system of ordered liberty," McDonald, 130 S. Ct. at 3042 (plurality opinion), and as among the privileges or immunities of American citizenship, id. at 3088 (Thomas, J., concurring in the judgment).

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