Elena Kagan's Valid Critique of the Supreme Court's 'Shadow Docket'
“Without full briefing and argument,” Kagan objects, the Court is quietly resolving major disputes.

In April, the U.S. Supreme Court voted 5–4 to reinstate an Environmental Protection Agency rule promulgated during the Trump administration that had been vacated by a lower court. Why did the Supreme Court reinstate the rule? The majority offered no explanation. Nor did it technically need to do so. The case, Louisiana v. American Rivers, was decided on an emergency basis. Without receiving merits briefing from the parties and without holding oral arguments, the majority simply granted a motion to stay the lower court's decision. And that was that.
Critics have dubbed this sort of emergency action the "shadow docket." It is, in the words of University of Chicago law professor William Baude, "a range of orders and summary decisions that defy [the Court's] normal procedural regularity." Foremost among the shadow docket's foes is Justice Elena Kagan, who dissented in American Rivers, joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor. "The Court goes astray," Kagan declared. The emergency docket has become "only another place for merits designations—except made without full briefing and argument."
Kagan had a point. As George Washington University law professor Richard J. Pierce Jr. put it, "no one can read the opinion unless the court writes it. That is the problem with the shadow docket." The outcome in American Rivers may have been beautifully reasoned and correctly reached. But we have no way of actually knowing that—let alone of fully judging the outcome for ourselves— because the majority offered zero rationale.
Until recently, complaints about the shadow docket have mostly come from liberal legal experts and activists. The explanation for that is basically political. Put simply, the Supreme Court's recent spate of high-profile emergency interventions have largely aligned with conservative policy preferences. But the politics got a little more complicated in May with the arrival of the Court's shadow docket offering in NetChoice v. Paxton, which reinstated a district court decision blocking the enforcement of Texas' controversial social media law. Without merits briefing and oral arguments, the Supreme Court prevented Texas from enforcing a law that would have compelled social media platforms like Twitter to host speech that they do not want to host. The Texas legislation had been cheered by many conservatives around the country, who were none too happy to see it blocked in court.
"It's kind of frankly ridiculous to me that NetChoice is using the shadow docket," Rachel Bovard of the Conservative Partnership Institute complained to Politico. "It's just egregious to me. It's so arrogant that they would put this in front of SCOTUS right now." As Politico reporter Brendan Bordelon remarked, "progressives outraged over the use of the Supreme Court's emergency 'shadow docket' to resolve legal fights over issues like abortion and immigration got some company this week from an unexpected group—conservative skeptics of the tech industry."
Now that some conservatives are starting to think that living by the shadow docket also means dying by the shadow docket, perhaps they will give Kagan's critique a second look.
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She should resign in protest.
Effective in February.
So Biden can appoint her clone? Huh?
And the 2nd part with current Senate projections?
All of these cases have been briefed and argued in the lower courts. The justices and anybody else can read the transcripts.
"The Shadow Docket" sounds like a great title for a John Grisham novel. Maybe he already published that title.
Who knows what evil lurks in the heart of the Supreme Court? The Shadow Docket knows...
Could Root possibly expand the effort to discuss what the issue in the case is?
Because the actual case isn't what's important here. It's not about whether the ruling was right or wrong, but how it was decided. It may be that the ruling was entirely correct, as noted, but SCOTUS doesn't offer any legal analysis to support its decision. It is a simple decision, when the court is supposed to be a place where the rules are the only thing that matters. Judges don't make decisions (or at least they shouldn't), they read the rulebook and it's supposed to tell them what the correct answer is.
Because it is arguable that the lower court violated judicial norms by not granting a stay in favor of leftist position. The granting of the stay is perhaps a trivial decision.
But isn't this saying "Hey the court agrees with the record as it is?"
Is that a bad thing? I mean, I have this at work all the time. I have 100 people coming to me on a quarterly basis asking to re-address decisions that were made at a lower level. In some cases, I might ask for a review of what is being discussed and render a decision. But in other cases, where the decision was made pretty clearly, I can point to those notes and say- "This was enough. Any further discussion will merely rehash what was said in this meeting, and the decision made then was correct for the reasons stated at the time. Nothing has changed that would cause us to revisit that decision."
How much work are you asking the USSC to put into each appeal? This has been the norm for a while. They can't take on 100% of the cases.
They already only take a single digit percentage of cases, they could have simply not ruled on this.
Ok. So the issue here is that the Trump administration issued a rule that shortened the timeline for a state to issue a certification to the federal government that a proposed construction project will not issue a discharge violating Clean Water Act standards. The lower court threw out the rule and reinstated the previous rule and did not grant a stay until the case percolated through the courts. The issue SCOTUS ruled on was whether the lower courts denial of a stay was untowardly heavy handed, not the issue itself. So it could be accurately described that Kagan is dissenting in favor of a lower court violating judicial norms in favor of a progressive position.
Thanks for doing Root's job. That's kind of the impression I have had of most shadow docket decisions -- procedural, not substantial.
It can be interpreted as an indirect comment on the substance, given that such ruling are granted based on the side asking for the stay has a good shot at winning an appeal. That is about it, though.
The point is that these are decisions on preliminary issues like stays and temporary injunctions. They are not final decisions on the merits. Many courts issue such decisions without explanation. The Appellate Division of the New Jersey Superior Court uses a simply check form and and checks off either “granted” or “denied.” You may not like the process but to suggest that it is something sinister or unusual is off base.
They should take time to write opinions, but otherwise what's wrong with some speedy justice once in a while?
One rule of government bureaucracy I repeat often: Nothing good happens fast.
“Now that some conservatives are starting to think that living by the shadow docket also means dying by the shadow docket, perhaps they will give Kagan's critique a second look.“
It’s pretty to think so, but is there any other significant political issue where that’s been the case? Seemingly one tribe whacks the other over the head with something new, and after checking out their new lumps, the other tribe says, “Hey, look at this! A new club to bludgeon those others guys with! Awesome!” Much to our collective detriment, inevitably.
Executive orders just to mind, and California’s SB8-like gun control scheme, things like that.
Am I being overly cynical or simplistic?
I feel like we've actually seen quite a few cases lately of the Judiciary actively restricting its own power. So, that's interesting. A lot of the decisions made last term were basically saying that these are not questions for the judicial branch and instead have to be decided by statute.
This fact gets hidden, because this has largely taken the shape of unwinding what is considered to be progressive jurisprudence, but the general move has been a weakening of judicial power and attempting to force it back to the legislature.
Dobbs was that, for instance. So was West Virginia v. EPA in many ways.
That was my observation too = SCOTUS is circumscribing the role of the Courts in favor of the state and Congress legislating
I do not have a problem with that, quite honestly.
yes is very nice to see one branch still can apply brakes.
But Kavanaugh and Thomas and Alito have all openly critiqued the emergency docket as well. So, not to critique you singling out Kagan's opinions, but trying to place this as a liberal vs. conservative issue is actually bad.
It's almost like root, politico, and Kegan are all evil retarded subhuman progressive shills
The bothsideism is increasingly strong at Reason.
Phrases like "cheered by many conservatives" are journalistic chickenshit. "Many" could mean 100, or 1000, or 100 million, but it's couched as though non-progressives are some sort of a monolith, or all conservatives are republicans.
Once in a while there'll be nuance. But mostly it's really lazy journalism and somewhat specious reasoning to say "both sides" in defense of the progressives.
I have had the impression that most, if not all, shadow docket decisions are based on injunctions, stays, restraining orders, etc, that have been imposed by lower courts, and that the rationale is pretty clear -- don't jump the gun.
But I don't know that, it's just the cumulative impression over the last few years. The two cases cited may or nay not fit that description, but I couldn't tell from the short summaries here.
Yeah, I'm not clear either and I straight up mixed myself up above.
Wait, no. I think I'm mixing this up.
Okay, now I remember what this is. I'm all mixed up.
I feel mixed on this. On the one hand, I'm very proceduralist and so appreciate criticisms of procedure being circumvented. On the other hand, I'm not quite clear on how else to deal with staying laws that are either incorrectly promulgated federal laws, or state laws that deal with constitutional questions. Is the default that they should remain in effect until they can be taken on the full docket? That might not be an unreasonable thing.
At the same time, we see stays on the eviction moratorium decided this way. Could that have waited months to reach the court? Maybe the court can call for emergency orders and try to move as fast as possible to make a decision. Though, writing opinions that set far more precedent than a stay in haste likely has consequences too. Waiting an extra year on the eviction moratorium has huge issues as well. And, as I understand it, after it was killed the Justice Department chose not to challenge it for a full hearing. So, Texas can still challenge their Social Media bill and get a full hearing. I think.
So, I don't know. I'd love it if anyone can correct my facts. I think this is a hard question.
I'm really open to the question of why it has become more common lately though. I'm somewhat concerned that the answer is because the Executive Branch is acting more and more aggressively lately and just flat out doing things that require fast remediation. The Texas Social Media law was legislative, but a lot of these other examples I'm finding are the President doing something by executive order.
why it has become more common lately though
Probably because everyone, including the judiciary itself, is using the process as a partisan tool more now than ever before.
My sense is that this is because it has become fashionable of late to find a judge in hawaii (for example) to stay a national policy?
We've also seen the Executive, going back to at least Obama, sort of just throwing orders out and seeing if the courts declare it unconstitutional or not.
I'm really open to the question of why it has become more common lately though.
No one has demonstrated that it has become more common recently. All we know is that when it was used against the court leftists they named and problematized it. But it is routine for the left to pretend their own actions are illegitimate when used by others. For example they whine about Trump's "divisiveness" without admitting their entire political program since the Vietnam War ended has been to create divisiveness.
I don't think it's that hard. When they make a decision, they should have to explain themselves at least to a certain degree. It doesn't have to be a 100-page opinion. It could be a one-paragraph or even a one-sentence explanation: "This injunction is granted because it clearly meets the criteria established in Batman v. Joker (1939)" or whatever. If they don't want to set a binding precedent, then say so. Part of this could be that they think the case is so obvious that they don't need to write an explanation - well, if it was *that* obvious, then SCOTUS wouldn't have gotten involved in the first place, and besides, not everyone agrees that it's *so* obvious hence the litigation. But part of me also thinks that it's because they don't want to have to pin themselves down on an opinion that might be cited later on for some purpose that they can't control. They want everyone to accept their "Just Trust Us" rationale and frankly I don't think that is going to cut it anymore.
Or perhaps the lowest courts made a results oriented decision in favor of a leftist activist group that violated judicial norms for granting such stays.
If that's the case, then SCOTUS should explain that that is the basis of their decision instead of leaving everyone guessing and relying on "Just Trust Us".
It's more complicated though, because these appear to be mostly stays or repeal of stays from a lower court and thus are still open to actually being contested. That those who are impacted choose to not follow-up on it is hard. Is this a question of them feeling like they're going to lose and so they don't even bother? That's not great and could very well have a chilling effect.
Is it that decisions are being thrown out just to see if they can stick but they don't really care to put forth effort for it? That's really bad in the opposite direction.
I'm curious what possible solutions to this are? The court has been hearing less cases in general lately, and I wonder if that can be reversed. I'd love to hear Thomas, Alito, someone else's opinion on it though. These are all actually smart people, Kagan included, and so I'm hesitant to view this as simple or purely partisan.
The solution as always is Congress. They have the power under Article 3, Section 2 to compel SCOTUS to give a written justification for every decision that they make.
And no I don't think it is purely partisan. I think it is more of an institutional thing.
Any decision that is not unanimous would need multiple responses.
Okay? Then each justice can write their own one-sentence response. Doesn't seem too hard.
Complaints about the "shadow docket" are almost always disingenuous. In Whole Woman's Health, the court denied an emergency request to enter an injunction against the Texas abortion law, and Kagan complained that this was an example of an improper "shadow docket" decision, when it was actually the exact opposite -- the court refused to issue a summary decision on the merits without full briefing and argument, which is what opponents of "shadow docket" decisions claim to want.
I just don't know, principally, if I'm opposed to the court having remedies for emergency, time-critical ways to issue rulings. Calling it the "shadow docket" is aimed at making it sound shady and suspicious without actually addressing the principal behind it.
There are thousands of cases that people want to put in front of SCOTUS in any given month, and there's only one SCOTUS. Getting oral arguments schedule, legal briefs, and then authoring opinions can take weeks. Is it bad that there's a method for bypassing that process in order to uphold a lower court's ruling just to resolve a matter speedily? It would be nice if there was some actual cost/benefit analysis in this. The alternative, seemingly, is waiting much longer for an answer from SCOTUS, with many of these cases being denied certiori and never getting any SCOTUS resolution at all.
They should at least take the time to write an opinion for the edification of the legal profession and the public.
Apart from that, what is the importance of having the full formality of oral arguments in every case? Can Justice Kagan give examples of where she or others were swayed by oral arguments, or had their thinking clarified?
I have to agree with Kagen on this issue. Not with other issues, but with this one. "Emergency" rulings are one thing, but they should not be the standard procedure to rush things through. Without the full process of adjudication the SCOTUS becomes just another partisan political entity. It becomes yet another Congress where everything gets decided in committee. In this case it gets decided by shadow dockets.
Conservatives applauding this need to understand that they will not always have a majority on the court, and when that majority changes these tactics will be used against them.
It;s like when Trump got elected and all the Democrats were shitting their pants wondering who gave Trump all that power. The answer was that it came from the Democrats who gave that power to Obama! Trump merely inherited it. Same this with this political maneuvering. One day Republicans will shit their pants wondering how a liberal court got the power to issue emergency majority rulings. The answer will be because the Republicans gave it to them.
Unless Kagan is arguing that all cases have to be fully briefed and argued before a decision is made, it is a substantive argument masquerading as a procedural argument. The Court has to make a decision. Either way, it is using the procedure of the "shadow docket." So long as the decision by the court is not a final decision on the merits of the case, nothing precedential has been determined, and the parties are free to pursue the matter further. To say the preliminary decision is the binding final decision is just arguing bad faith by the court.
There is nothing unconstitutional about this. The document never says that every case before the court necessarily must go through a full hearing.
My belief is that the court, with its Constitutional adherent majority, is reacting to lower court's knee-jerk denial of anything Donald Trump's administration proposed.
The TDS exhibited by so many lower courts, that even a lesser conservative SCOTUS had to overrule on a regular basis, needed to be countered.
This court has just decided to not waste any time in doing it.
What makes the shadow docket necessary is that Congress and states sometimes blatantly defy a ruling the Supreme Court made very recently, by passing (sometimes in creatively embellished form) a law that is effectively the same as one the Court just overturned. The new gun laws in New York and California, which defy Bruen, are good examples.
In the past this practice has allowed blatant violations of individual rights such as New York's Sullivan Act to stay in place for most of a century because it took that long for any plaintiff to make a case on the subject that the Court was willing to bother hearing.
The underlying problem, of course, is that newly passed statutes are automatically presumed constitutional. One would think that after repeated defiance the Court would be able to issue a finding that, for example, "We now designate New York's legislature a vexatious maker of law on the topic of gun rights. So from now on all laws it makes on that topic shall require the Court's approval before they can take effect." But it will probably take constitutional change to give the Court that power, so we are stuck with the shadow docket as the best available substitute.