Is the Habeas Ruling Really One of the Worst Decisions in American History?
Damon W. Root | June 18, 2008, 7:59am
As Matt Welch
recently noted, John McCain is none too happy with
Boumediene v. Bush, calling the Supreme Court's recognition of habeas corpus for enemy combatants "one of the worst decisions in the history of this country." Could that possibly be true? As a measuring stick, I'd suggest using
The Dirty Dozen: How Twelve Supreme Court Cases Radically Expanded Government and Eroded Freedom, a new book by the Cato Institute's Robert Levy and the Institute for Justice's Chip Mellor.
On issues ranging from eminent domain abuse to the restriction of civil liberties during wartime, Levy and Mellor paint a consistent—and consistently depressing—picture of the Court upholding and enhancing government actions at the expense of individual rights. That's as good a definition of a "worst decision" as you'll ever get: state power trumping individual liberty.
Where does
Boumediene fall on that scale? Even if you accept Chief Justice John Roberts's dissent, which argues that the Court permanently weakened the separation of powers by substituting its judgment for that of "the people's representatives," the decision hardly sinks to the depths of, say,
Korematsu v. United States, where the majority upheld Franklin Roosevelt's internment of Japanese Americans during World War II.
In Roberts's view, Congress already protected "whatever rights the detainees may possess" via the Detainee Treatment Act, making the Court's actions both unwarranted and unnecessary. Moreover, his dissent predicts that, "the habeas process the Court mandates will most likely end up looking a lot like the DTA system it replaces." If this is correct, then the real problem with
Boumediene isn't the risk it poses to national security (as McCain
has stressed) but its long-term political fallout. That's at least a debatable point, though I'd argue that the Court has upheld the separation of powers by exercising a necessary check on the other branches. Furthermore, as legal blogger Marty Lederman
has noted:
On the basic habeas question, perhaps the most explanatory line of the majority opinion is this one: "The test for determining the scope of [the Suspension Clause] must not be subject to manipulation by those whose power it is designed to restrain." In other words, because the Government chose to detain these prisoners at GTMO for the very purpose of avoiding a judicial check on the legality of the detentions, the Court will ensure that the constitutional guarantee extends to the naval base.
But for the last word, I turn to the increasingly libertarian George Will, whose column yesterday
made short work of McCain's legal scholarship:
Did McCain's extravagant condemnation of the court's habeas ruling result from his reading the 126 pages of opinions and dissents? More likely, some clever ignoramus convinced him that this decision could make the Supreme Court—meaning, which candidate would select the best judicial nominees—a campaign issue.
a knight | June 18, 2008, 9:19pm | #
Contemporary Conservatives==New Rightys in a fraudulent wrapper.
First,those of you who ask where the Constitution "gives" rights to the detainees, really ought to get off of your high horse, and turn that saddle around. You've got it ass-backwards. The Constitution does not grant rights which are secured in their possession by the people. They are instead Natrural Rights which were never ceded to the state.
Second, there is no need to drift off into the realms of the unprovable mystical, to posit a rational Natural rights theory. There are two, ways to do it, which will end-up at near the same point, and given the variability in in scope that is a natural function of the population, it is insignificant. A) Natural rights are rights which a people cannot cede to the state and remain free. B) Natural Rights are the set of liberties that this Nation's Founders posited as being preeminent and preexistent to the state. You can also claim that your Natural Rights came to you from your creator, as long as you do not try to claim that your creator is necessarly mine, because that would be oppositional to the very bedrock of this Nation's Foundation: "All men are created equal and endowed BY THEIR creator". Jeffersoin knew his shit.
It is utterly asinine to assert that habeas corpus is NOT a Natural Right, at least under both of the definitions I proferred for them. Habeas corpus is obviously preexistent the The United States, and far too many of This Nation's Founders also believed that it was preeminent to the state also.
A Natural Right is also by definition, a Universal Human right. It is NOT bounded by citizenry. If it is only a right of American citizens, then it is not a Natural Right, nor is it a right secured in its possession by the peolple. It is instead a right that a benevolent state has gifted to its citizenry. It then becomes insecure. What a state has given, it will assuredly someday decide to take away.
Now for the constitutional side of the argument.
Article VI.; Clause 2 of the US Constitution states:
"This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding."
The Geneva Conventions are a treaty made "under the Authority of the United States", therefore the Geneva conventions are "The Supreme Law of the Land". The Geneva Conventions cannot be abrogated by a signatory after hostilities have been initiated. The relevant date for the purpose at hand was September 11, 2001.
The Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of POWs, Article 4(A) defines 6 separate classes of humans who are POWs at the moment of their capture by a signatory power. Article 4(B) defines two additional classes of humans to "likewise be treated as prisoners of war".
Article 5, 2nd paragraph in its entirety states: "Should any doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy the protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal."
Mr. Bush, of and by his determination alone, cannot rationally be defined as a "competent tribunal". The original designation of the detainees as "unlawful combatants" is itself a Constitutional Violation, because the Geneva Conventions are The Supreme Law of the Land. Another little magical part of being the Supreme Law of the Land is that as long as humans are being legitimately held as POWs following the dictates of the Geneva Conventions, the US Government can legitimately detain them without first securing a conviction against them in a trial that adhered to due process of law.
The very moment that the detainees were stripped of their Geneva Convention Protections, and held as "unlawful combatants", they were by the Bush Administration's own definition of them, being held as criminal actors. The direct prohibitions against taking life liberty and/or property of the Constitution at that time were given control. The Constitutional rationale for this is found in the 13th Amendment; Section 1.: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." To assert that ANY U.S. Military Base, directly under the control of the USA, and not under threat of being overtaken in an enemy attack is NOT a place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States' government is a great leap of fantasy. I believe that this also covers anyplace where a presidential order can be carried out without violent opposition. The sovereignty argument does not stand in any honest textual reading of the 13th Amendment. Jurisdiction is the standard, and it is not even complete jurisdiction it is just jurisdiction.
Now we traverse to the phrase "duly convicted" and look to the 5th Amendment for guidance: "No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation."
NO PERSON is the standard here, the 5th Amendment is NOT bounded by citizenry, it is instead a bar placed in front of the state before it can legitimately take life, limb or property form ANY Person. Even if one were to assert that somehow a former member of an enemy military could actually be included in the 5th amendment's exclusion, the clause only excludes what precedes it. What follows it remains inviolate. The prohibitions against coerced testimony and double jeopardy, plus the Natural Right to due process of law remain.
Due process of law is defined in the 6th Amendment, which begins with "In all criminal prosecutions". Clearly another bar to the state that has universal applicability. Any human charged with a criminal offense by the state remains in possession of minimally the following rights until a conviction has been fairly secured against the defendant:
1) a speedy and public trial,
2) an impartial jury of the State that understands the burden of proof for guilt rests entirely upon the state
3) an open and public presentment of the criminal charges
4) a right to confront prosecution witnesses, and to impeach any evidence the state presents for the prosecution
5) to have available methods of obtaining witnesses and evidence for the defense
6) to have competent law counsel dedicated to the defense.
Finally, since this delves deeply into the realm of Natural Rights, it is not the Executive, the Legislature. nor the Judiciary that is the ultimate arbitrator. It is instead the people, the pronouncements of nine old blathering fools with fetishes for black satin moo moos, notwithstanding.